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THE 


APPOSITIVE  PARTICIPLE 


IN 


ANGLO-SAXON 


BY 


MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    Jr. 

Professor  of  English  in  the  University  of  Texas 


Reprinted  from  the  Publications  of  the  Modern  Language  Association  of  America 
Vol.  XVI,  No.  2,  Baltimore,  June,  1901 


baltimore 

The  Modern  Language  Association  of  America 

1901 


7  0S 


THE 


APPOSITIVE  PARTICIPLE 


IN 


ANGLO-SAXON 


B  V 


MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    Jr. 
Profe^or  of   English   in   the  University   of   Texas 


Reprinted  from  the  Publications  of  the  Modern  Languagt  Association  of  America, 
Vol.  XVI,  No.  2,  Baltimore,  June,  1901 


b  a l t i m ore 

The  Modern  Language  Association  of  America 

19  01 


119213 


JOHN    MURPHY    COMPANY,    1'IUNTERS, 
BALTIMORE. 


*-'  sJ  O 


CONTENTS. 


Page. 

Introduction 141 

I.   The  Dual  Nature  of  the  Participle;  Definitions 141 

II.   The  History  of  the  Term  Appositive  Participle 144 

III.  The  Relative  Age  of  the  Several  Uses  of  the  Participle...  149 

IV.  The  Inflexion  and  the  Position  of  the  Appositive  Parti- 

ciple   150 

Chapter    I.     Statistics    of    the   Appositive    Participle    in 

Anglo-Saxon 154 

I.   In  the  Prose  Works 155 

II.   In  the  Poems 234 

III.  Synoptic  Table 266 

Chapter  II.    Uses  op  the  Appositive  Participle  in  Anglo- 
Saxon 268 

I.   The  Adjectival  Use 270 

II.   The  Adverbial  Use 273 

1.  Modal 274 

2.  Temporal 278 

3.  Causal 279 

4.  Final 280 

5.  Concessive 282 

6.  Conditional 284 

IIL   The  Co-ordinate  Use 285 

1.  The  "Circumstantial"  Participle 286 

2.  The  "Iterating"  Participle 287 

3.  Notes 2S9 

IV.  Summary  of  Uses 292 

Chapter    III.     Origin    of    the    Appositive    Participle    in 

Anglo-Saxon 297 

I.   The  Adjectival  Use 298 

II.   The  Adverbial  Use 300 

1.  Modal 300 

2.  Temporal 301 

iii 


iv  CONTENTS. 

Page 

3.   Causal 302 

I.    Final 304 

5.  Concessive 304 

6.  Conditional 305 

III.  The  Co-ordinate  Use 306 

IV.  The  Governing  Power  of  the  Participle 307 

1.  The  Present  Participle 307 

2.  The  Preterite  Participle 313 

V.   Table  of  Latin  Correspondences 315 

chapter    IV.     Tin:    Anui.o-Saxon   Rendering  of  the  Latin 

Appositive  Participle 321 

I.    By  a  Co-ordinated  Finite  Verb 321 

II.    By  a  Subordinated  Finite  Verb ! 323 

III.    By  a  Prepositional  Phrase 326 

1  V.    By  a  Verb  in  the  Infinitive  Mood 327 

V.    By  an  Attributive  Participle 328 

VI.    By  an  Absolute  Participle 328 

VI 1.    By  an  Adverb 328 

VIII.    By  an  Adjective 328 

IX.    By  a  Substantive 329 

Chapter  V.    The  Appositive  Participle  in  the  Other  Ger- 
manic Languages 330 

I.    Uses 330 

1.  In  Gothic 330 

2.  In  the  Scandinavian  Languages 332 

3.  In  High  German 334 

4.  In  Old  Saxon 338 

II.   Origin 339 

III.    Rendering  of  Greek  and  Latin  Appositive  Participle 341 

Chapter  VI.    The  Anglo-Saxon  Appositive  Participle  as  a 

Norm  op  Style 344 

Chapter  VII.    Results 348 

Additions  and  Corrections 353 

Bibliography , 355 


PUBLICATIONS 

OF   THE 

MODERN  LANGUAGE  ASSOCIATION  OF  AMERICA, 

1901. 
Vol.  XVI,  2.  New  Series,  Vol.  IX,  2. 


VIII.— THE   APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN   ANGLO- 
SAXON. 

Introduction. 


The  twofold  nature  of  the  participle  is  sufficiently  attested 
by  the  fact  that  it  is  universally  defined  as  a  verbal  adjective. 
The  genesis  of  this  twofold  nature  has  been  interestingly 
discussed  by  Brugrnann  (L  F.,  V,  88  ff. ;  Or.  Gr.3  §§  479  f.) 
and  by  Delbrxick  (n,  p.  477).  Mine  is  the  humbler  task  of 
pointing  out  the  various  manifestations  of  this  dual  nature  as 
exemplified  in  the  appositive  use  of  the  participle  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  ;  to  which  is  appended  a  brief  survey  of  the  same 
phenomena  in  the  other  Germanic  languages.  This  is  by  no 
means  an  easy  task,  since  the  same  participle  may  be  domi- 
nantly  adjectival  in  one  sentence,  prevailingly  verbal  in 
another,  and  equally  divided  between  the  two  in  a  third. 
Of  course,  too,  a  participle  may  be  used  as  a  noun  ;  but  in 
such  case  it  ceases  to  be  a  participle ;  hence  in  this  paper 
no  account  is  taken  of  the  substantivized  participle.  How- 
ever, certain  adverbial  uses  of  the  participle  are  treated. 

The  difficulty  of  our  problem  is  further  aggravated  by  the 
diversity  of  meaning  attached  to  the  same  term  by  different 

141 


142  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

grammarians.  At  the  outset,  therefore,  it  is  necessary  to 
define  the  terms  used  in  this  monograph.  The  study  is  based 
upon  a  twofold  classification  of  the  participle:  (I)  According 
to  the  nature  of  the  participle;  (II)  According  to  the  relation- 
ship of  the  participle  to  its  subject  (or  principal). 

According  to  its  nature,  a  participle  is  (1)  verbal  when  the 
assertive  force  is  dominant,  and  (2)  adjectival  when  the  descrip- 
tive force  is  dominant;  as  a  rule,  the  verbal  participle  denotes 
an  act  in  the  widest  sense,  while  the  adjectival  denotes  a  state. 
These  terms,  of  course,  are  relative  only,  and  under  different 
collocations  each  is  equally  applicable  to  the  same  word. 
Thus,  in  the  phrase,  the  shining  sun.  shining  is  adjectival, 
if  not  an  adjective ;  while  in  the  sentence,  The  sun,  shining 
through  the  trees,  lighted  our  path,  the  participle  is  verbal. 
Hut,  despite  this  relativity,  the  distinction  is  of  great  import- 
ance; and  it  is  possible  to  mark  off  certain  more  or  less 
stable  groups.  The  preterite  participle,  for  instance,  is  more 
adjectival  than  the  present ;  as  the  present  participle  with 
an  object  is  more  verbal  than  one  without  an  object.  Occa- 
sionally, too,  a  participle  is  so  constantly  used  adjectivally 
that  it  becomes  an  adjective  proper,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Latin  sanctus,  the  A.-S.  cwS,  etc.  The  completely  adjectiv- 
ized participle  is  not  treated  in  this  monograph. 

According  to  its  relationship  to  its  principal,  a  participle 
is  (A)  independent  (or  absolute)  when  its  subject  is  gram- 
matically independent  of  the  rest  of  the  sentence,  and  (B) 
dependent  (or  conjoint)  when  its  subject  is  not  grammati- 
cally independent  of  the  rest  of  the  sentence,  but  is  intimately 
bound  up  therewith.  Examples  are: — (^4):  JBede1  284.  20: 
swa  eallum  geseondum  wpp  in  heofonas gewat  =  Bede2  220.  11  : 
sic  uidentibus  ounctis  ad  alia  subduxit  (see  my  Abs.  Ptc.  in 
A.S.,  p.  5  ff.) ; — (B) :  Luke  4.  40 :  he  syndrygum  hys  hand 
onsettende  hig  gehcelde  =  die  singulis  manus  imponens  eurabat 
eos.  The  dependent  (or  conjoint)  participle  may  be  sub- 
divided into  (1)  predicative  (or  supplementary,  cf.  Goodwin, 
Moods  and  Tenses,  §  877),  when  the  participle  is  joined  to  its 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       143 

subject  by  means  of  a  verb ;  (2)  non-predicative  (or  assump- 
tive, cf.  Sweet,  §  44),  when  not  joined  to  its  subject  by  the 
instrumentality  of  a  verb.  The  predicative  participle  may  be 
subdivided  into  (a)  predicate  nominative  and  (6)  predicate 
accusative;  the  non-predicative  (or  assumptive),  into  (a) 
attributive,  when  the  connection  between  the  participle  and 
its  principal  is  so  close  that  the  two  constitute  one  indivisible 
idea,  and  (6)  appositive,  when  the  connection  between  the 
participle  and  its  principal  is  so  loose  that  the  two  seem  to 
constitute  two  independent  ideas;  or,  to  use  the  words  of 
Sweet  (§  90) :  "  When  the  subordination  of  an  assumptive 
(attributive)  word  to  its  head-word  is  so  slight  that  the  two 
are  almost  co-ordinate,  the  adjunct-word  is  said  to  be  in 
apposition  to  its  head-word."  A  few  examples  will  suffice 
for  illustration  : — (1)  Predicative  (or  Supplementary)  :  (a) 
Predicate  Nominative :  Elene  492 :  Stephanus  wees  stanum 
worpod; — ib.  486  :  S«  ¥>y  ¥>riddan  dceg  lifgende  aras,  etc. ; — 
(6)  Predicate  Accusative :  Luke  22.  56  :  Da  hine  geseah  sum 
¥>inen  cet  leohte  sittende  =  quern  cum  vidisset  ancilla  qucedam 
sedentem  ad  lumen; — Bl.  Horn.  218.  7  :  Sa  mette  he  "Sane  man 
for&feredne,  etc. ; — (2)  Non-predicative  (or  Assumptive) :  (a) 
Attributive :  Beoio.  741  :  he  gefeug  AraSe  forman  sifte  slos- 
'pendne  vine; — ib.  581  :  Da  mec  so3  o'Sbcer  .  .  .  wadu  weal- 
lendu; — ib.  1245  :  See/-  on  bence  ivass  .  .  .  y'Sgesene  .  .  .  hringed 
byrne; — ib.  216  :  guman  ut  scufon  .  .  .  ivudu  bundenne,  etc. ; — 
(6)  Appositive:  Mat.  9.  12:  seHozlend,  cvmft,  ¥>isgehyrende  = 
At  Jesus  audiens,  ait; — Luke  1.  74  :  ftost  we  butan  ege  of  ure 
feonda  handa  alysede  him  ^Seowian  =  Ut  sine  timore,  de  manu 
.  .  .  liberati,  serviamus  illi; — Mat.  8.  9  :  So'Slice  ic  eom  man 
under  anwealde  gesett  ==■  Nam  et  ego  homo  sum  sub  potestate 
constitutus; — jElfr.  Horn.  I,  62a :  Johannes  beseah  to  heofonum, 
bus  cwe^Sende,  etc. 

No  originality  is  claimed  for  the  above  classification  ;  for, 
although  I  have  not  found  the  system  as  a  whole  in  any 
treatise,  almost  every  one  of  the  terms  is  substantially  so 
used    in   one  or   more  standard   works.     Nor  is  the  system 


144  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

looked  upon  as  ideal ;  it  is  given  merely  because  it  seems 
a  fair  working  scheme  for  this  monograph.  But,  while  I 
believe  that  all  my  terms  are  clear  as  above  defined  and 
exemplified,  the  word  appositive  demands  more  extended 
treatment,  since  it  gives  the  title  to  this  paper. 


II. 

Remoteness  from  the  larger  libraries  precludes  my  giving 
a  complete  history  of  the  phrase  appositive  participle ;  and 
I  must  content  myself  with  a  brief  statement  concerning  the 
more  important  grammatical  treatises  that  have  been  accessi- 
ble to  me.  Fortunately,  as  a  reference  to  the  bibliography 
will  show,  I  have  been  able  to  consult  all  the  most  significant 
monographs  (old  as  well  as  new)  on  the  participle  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  and  in  the  other  Teutonic  tongues. 

The  phrase  appositive  participle  is  not  used  as  a  distinct 
category  by  Grimm,  Becker,  Miitzner,  Koch,  March,  Sweet, 
or  Delbriick  among  the  Germanic  grammarians,  or  by  Classen, 
Draeger,  Gildersleeve,  or  Goodwin  among  the  classicists.  The 
locution  seems  to  have  been  habitually  used  first *  by  Kruger 
and  Curtius  in  their  Greek  grammars,  by  Madvig  in  his  Latin 
grammar,  by  Gabelentz  and  Lobe  in  their  Gothic  grammar, 
and  by  Vernaleken  in  his  Deutsche  Syntax;  and  its  present 
currency  is  perhaps  largely  due  to  the  wide  popularity  of 
these  works,  especially  the  first  three. 

By  the  grammarians  who  regularly  make  use  of  the  phrase, 
two  distinct  definitions  have  been  given.  The  one  set  restricts 
the  term  appositive  to  the  participle  that  is  equal  to  a  de- 
pendent adverbial  (conjunctive)  clause,  while  the  other  extends 
it  also  to  the  participle  that  is  equivalent  to  a  dependent  adjec- 
tival (relative)  clause.  Judged  by  their  definitions,  Kruger 
and  Curtius  originally  sided  with  the  former.    Kruger's  state- 

lIn  his  Greek  grammar  of  1829  (pp.  469,  474),  however,  Bernhardy  has 
a  few  words  concerning  the  appositive  use  of  the  participle. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN    ANGLO-SAXON.      145 

inent  is  as  follows  (p.  215  *):  "Die  appositive  Participial- 
construction  unci  ihr  zur  Seite  gehend  die  absolute  sincl  eine 
uuklarere  Ausdrucksweise  fur  Satze  die  mit  dem  Hauptsatze 
in  einern  temporalen  oder  realen  Verhaltnisse  stehen."  Ex- 
amples are  cited  of  the  appositive  participle  in  (1)  temporal, 
(2)  conditional,  (3)  causal,  and  (4)  concessive  clauses,  but  not 
in  adjectival  (relative)  clauses,  though  under  the  head  of 
temporal  uses  (p.  217,  10,  Anrnk.  1)  this  remark  is  made: 
"  In  vielen  Fallen  iibersetzen  wir  die  Participia  durch  das 
Relativ  oder  durch  Conjunctionen."  To  the  same  effect  is 
the  definition  of  Curtius  (§  579 2) :  "  Das  Particip  dient  dazu, 
einem  Substantiv  etwas  als  eine  nur  voriibergehende  Eigen- 
schaft  oder  Thatigkeit  beizulegen.  In  diesem  Falle  ist  das 
Particip  eine  kuz*ze  und  unbestimmtere  Ausdrucksweise  fiir 
das,  was  sonst  durch  Nebensatze  mit  Conjunctionen  der 
verschiedensten  Art  ausgedriickt  wird."  In  the  following 
sections  (580-583)  he  gives  examples  of  the  appositive  parti- 
ciple in  (1)  temporal,  (2)  causal  and  final,  (3)  concessive,  and 
(4)  conditional  clauses;  adding  this  note3:  "Bei  dem  man- 
nichfaltigen  Gebrauch  der  appositiven  Participien  ist  nicht 
zu  iibersehen,  dass  ein  solches  Particip  an  sich  keine  der  in 
§§  580-583  entwickelten  Bedeutungen  deutlich  ausdriickt, 
dass  wir  vielmehr  nur  zur  Ubersetzung  uns  der  einen  oder 
der  andern  Wenduug  bedienen,  urn  dasselbe  in  scharferer 
Weise  auszusprechen,  was  durch  das  Particip  nur  angedeutet 

XI  quote  from  the  fifth  edition  of  his  Attische  Syntax  (Leipzig,  1873), 
but  the  same  statement,  I  have  been  informed,  occurs  in  the  first  edition 
(Leipzig,  1843). 

2 1  quote  from  the  ninth  edition  (Prag,  1870),  but  substantially  the  same 
statement  is  made  in  the  first  edition  (Prag,  1852).  And  in  the  chapter 
on  the  Participle  in  his  Erlduterungen3  (p.  203)  Curtius  thus  acknowledges 
his  indebtedness  to  Kriiger:  "In  der  Gliederung  dieser  Gebrauchsweisen 
bin  ich  wesentlich  K.  W.  Kriiger  gefolgt,  ohne  jedoch  in  der  Reihenfolge 
mich  ihm  anzuschliessen." — My  quotation  is  from  the  third  edition  of  the 
Erlauterungen  (1875),  but  it  does  not  differ  essentially  from  the  statement 
of  the  first  edition  (1863). 

'This  note  is  not  in  the  first  edition  of  the  grammar. 


146  MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    JR. 

ist."  Gering  specifically  restricts  the  appositive  participle 
to  adverbial  clauses  (p.  393):  "  Wahrend  das  attributive 
particip  best im mend  und  erklarend  zu  dem  nomen  tritt,  dient 
das  appositive  dazu,  gewisse  adverbialle  nebenbestimraungen 
der  handlung  auszudrucken.  Es  bezeichnet  daher,  in  welcher 
zeit,  aus  welchem  grunde,  in  welcher  absicht,  unter  welchen 
bedinguugeu  oder  einschriinkungen,  durch  welche  mittel,  auf 
welche  art  und  weise  eine  person  oder  ein  gegenstand  etwas 
ausfuhrte  oder  erlitt.  Characteristisch  fiir  das  appositive 
particip  ist  es,  dass  es  nie  den  artikel  bei  sich  hat."  The 
same  restriction  is  made  by  Karl  Kohler  and  by  Kuhn, 
though  the  latter  does  not  use  the  term  appositive,  but  speaks 
of  the  use  of  the  participle  "in  eigentlicher  participialer 
Funktion  in  Vertretung  eines  Adverbialsatzes." 

But,  despite  the  high  standing  of  Kriiger,  Curtius,  and 
Gering,  the  restriction  of  the  appositive  participle  to  ad- 
verbial uses  seems  unwise.  Indeed,  it  may  be  doubted 
whether  Curtius  intended  so  to  limit  the  term  by  the  defini- 
tion above  quoted  ;  if  so,  he  afterwards  changed  his  mind, 
for  in  his  Erlaui&rungen3  (p.  203)  he  gives  a  definition  of 
the  appositive  participle  that  includes  its  use  in  adjectival 
(relative)  as  well  as  in  adverbial  (conjunctive)  clauses:  "Der 
'appositive  Gebrauch'  schliesst  sich  an  die  §  361,  12  gegebene 
Definition  der  Apposition  an.  Wie  ieh  unter  Apposition 
einer  Zusatz  Loserer  Art  verstehe,  welcher  in  der  Regel 
synonym  mit  einem  besehreibenden  Zwischen — oder  Neben- 
satz  ist,  so  entsprechen  die  appositiven  Participien  als 
kiirzere,  losere  und  deshalb  auch  weniger  bestimmte  Aus- 
drucksweisen  wesentlich  demselben  Zwecke,  der  in  festerer 
Weise  durch  relative1  und  Conjunctionssatze  erreicht  wird." 
The  remainder  of  his  comment,  though  not  on  this  ]>oint,  is 
too  instructive  to  omit:  "Classen  in  seinen  oben  (S.  173) 
erwahnten  Beobachtungen  iiber  den  homerischen  Sprachge- 
brauch    nennt   den    von    mir   appositiv  genannten   Gebrauch 

1  The  italics  are  mine. 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       147 

pradicativ.  Ich  verkenne  nicht,  dass  sich  auch  diese  Bezeich- 
nung  rechfertigen  lasst,  insofern  als  das  appositive  Particip, 
untersohieden  vom  attributiven,  allerdings  eine  aussagende, 
pradicirende  Kraft  besitzt,  die  am  entschiedensten  in  den  abso- 
luten  Participialconstructionen  hervortritt.  Allein  es  scheint 
mir  doeh  gerathener,  den  Ausdrnck  pradicatives  Particip  mit 
Kriiger  auf  denjenigen  Gebrauch  zu  beschranken,  bei  welchem 
das  Particip  zur  Erganzung  eiues  verbalen  Pradicats  dient 
(§  589  bis  594)  und  als  solches  einen  wesentlicben  Theil 
der  Aussage  bildet"  Vernaleken  leaves  no  doubt  as  to  his 
position  (p.  502):  "Das  partizip  welches  dazu  dient  einem 
substantiv  etwas  als  eine  nur  voriibergehende  eigenschaft  oder 
thatigkeit  beizulegen,  also  appositionell  stent,  und  so  eine 
kiirzere  ausdrucksweise  ist  fur  das,  was  sonst  durch  neben- 
satze  mit  bindewortern  oder  dem  relativ  ausgedriickt  wird, 
findet  sich,"  etc. ;  which  definition  clearly  includes  adjective 
(relative)  as  well  as  adverbial  (conjunctive)  clauses.  With 
this  O.  Erdmann  substantially  agrees ;  for,  while  he  does  not 
use  the  phrase  appositive  participle,  it  is  clear  that  his 
selbstdndiges  Participium  of  the  following  quotation  corresponds 
to  Vernaleken's  appositive  participle  (Syntax  d.  JSpr.  Otfrids, 
p.  214):  "Die  verbale  Natur  des  Participiums  tritt  nicht 
imrner  in  gleichem  Masse  hervor.  Ich  suche  bei  einem  jeden 
der  beiden  Participia,  welche  die  ahd.  Sprache  besitzt,  die 
Belege  mit  Rucksicht  hierauf  zu  ordnen,  und  unterscheide 
drei  Abschnitte,  je  nachdem  das  Participium  eine  selbstiindige, 
von  der  Handlung  des  Hauptsatzes  unterschiedene  Tatigkeit 
aussagt,  oder  pradicativ  mit  dem  Verbum  zu  dem  Begriffe 
einer  einzigen  Tatigkeit  verschmilzt,  oder  endlich  attributiv 
wie  ein  Adj.  gebraueht  wird  um  eine  dem  Gegenstande,  auf 
welchen  es  sich  bezieht,  stetig  inwohnende  Eigenschaft  zu 
bezeichnen."  In  his  examples  Erdmann  cites  participles  that 
represent  adjectival  as  well  as  adverbial  clauses ;  as  does 
Mourek,  who  (p.  33)  speaks  of  the  participle  "  in  selbstaud- 
iger,  priidicativer,  satzvertretender  apposition."  With  the 
exception  of  K.  Kohler  and  of  Kiihn,  who,  as  already  stated, 


148  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

restrict  the  appositive  participle  to  adverbial  clauses,  all l  the 
writers  on  Old  English  Syntax  named  in  the  bibliography 
include  under  the  appositive  use  of  the  participle  adjectival 
as  well  as  adverbial  clauses.  Some  (Conradi,  Einenkel, 
Flamme,  Hoser,  Kempf,  Mohrbutter,  Schiirtnann,  Wiilfing2) 
use  the  phrase  appositive  participle;  others  (Furkert,  Hertel, 
Planer,  Reussner,  Seyfarth,  Spaeth,  Wohlfahrt)  speak  of  the 
" eigentliches  Participium  zur  Abkurzung  eines  Satzes" 
(Wohlfahrt,  p.  39);  and  others  (Koch,  Matzner,  March, 
Sweet)  have  no  specific  designation  for  the  construction. 

Another  apparently  divergent  interpretation  calls  for  brief 
mention.  The  standard  New  High  German  grammars  of 
Brandt,  von  Jagemann,  Thomas,  and  Whitney  regularly  use 
the  expression  appositive  participle  to  indicate,  in  the  words 
of  Thomas,  "  an  appositional  predicate,  which  denotes  a  con- 
comitant act  or  state;"  but  "such  a  participle  or  participial 
phrase  is,"  according  to  Whitney6  (§  357),  "used  only  in  the 
sense  of  an  adjective  clause,  aud  expresses  ordinarily  an 
accompanying  circumstance,  or  describes  a  state  or  condition  ; 
it  may  not  be  used,  as  in  English,  to  signify  a  determining 
cause,  or  otherwise  adverbially."  But,  as  a  following  note 
by  Whitney  and  some  examples  cited  by  Thomas  show,  this 
statement  is  somewhat  too  strong,  for  in  New  High  German 
an  appositive  participle  is  occasionally  used  in  place  of  a 
dependent  adverbial  clause.  Moreover,  in  making  the  above 
remark,  Whitney  intended  to  acquaint  his  reader  with  New 
High  German  usage  and  not  to  give  a  general  definition  of  a 
grammatical  term. 

To  sum  up  the  matter :  by  a  number  of  eminent  gram- 
marians the  phrase  appositive  participle  is  not  used  as  a 
distinct  category ;  by  others  equally  eminent  it  is  habitually 
used,   but   in   different  senses.     Of  the  latter  some  restrict 

1  Except  the  older  grammarians  (Hickes,  Lye,  and  Manning),  who  do 
not  treat  the  construction  of  the  appositive  participle. 

51  Wulting's  treatment  of  the  Appositive  Participle  has  not  appeared 
as  yet. 


THE   APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN   ANGLO-SAXON.       149 

the  appositive  use  to  the  participle  that  is  equivaleut  to  an 
adverbial  clause,  while  others  make  it  include  adjectival  as 
well  as  adverbial  clauses.  The  latter  usage,  though  not 
universal,  is  becoming  general,  especially  with  students  of 
Germanic  grammar. 

To  me  the  general  introduction  of  this  term  into  our  text- 
books seems  highly  desirable,  since  it  would  extend  to  the 
use  of  the  participle  what  the  student  had  already  learned 
with  reference  to  the  noun.  As  the  statistics  show,  I  include 
under  appositive  the  participle  that  is  equivalent  to  an  adjec- 
tival clause  as  well  as  that  which  is  equal  to  an  adverbial  clause. 
The  uses  of  the  adverbial  appositive  participle  correspond 
closely  to  those  of  the  subordinate  adverbial  clause,  but  are 
so  varied  as  to  call  for  treatment  in  a  separate  chapter  (n.). 

III. 

The  appositive  use  of  the  participle  is  common  to  the 
Indo-Germanie  languages,  but  by  no  means  equally  common. 
Greek  leads  the  others,  and  Latin  is  far  in  advance  of  the 
Germanic  languages.  An  instructive  general  treatment  of 
the  subject  is  given  by  Jolly  in  his  Zur  Lehre  vom  Particip 
and  by  Delbruck  in  his  Syntax.  To  the  works  named  by 
Delbruck  I  may  add  those  of  Boiling,  Fay,  Helm,  Koberlin, 
Milroy,  and  Tamraelin,  which  throw  no  little  light  on  the 
appositive  participle  in  Latin  and  in  Greek.  Of  works  on 
the  appositive  participle  in  the  Germanic  languages  exclusive 
of  English  a  brief  account  is  given  in  Chapter  v. 

In  the  article  just  referred  to,  Jolly  maintains  that  the 
attributive  use  of  the  participle  preceded  the  appositive,  and 
that  the  appositive  preceded  the  predicative,  which  latter  he 
considers  a  younger  variation  of  the  appositive.  In  Anglo- 
Saxon  it  is  probable,  I  think,  that  the  attributive  use  preceded 
the  appositive,  the  latter  growing  out  of  the  former  when  thrust 
into  post-position,  either  because  the  noun  had  several  parti- 
ciples modifying  it  at  once  or  because  the  participle  was  itself 


150  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

modified  (see  section  iv.,  below).  The  appositive  use  of  the 
adjectival  participle  may  have  preceded  the  predicative  use 
of  the  participle;  for  the  appositive  adjectival  participle  is 
common  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  while,  as  Pessels  (p.  49) 
has  shown,  the  predicative  participle  of  the  progressive  tenses 
is  very  rare  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  though  common  in  the 
prose.  But  the  appositive  use  of  the  verbal  participle,  at 
least  of  the  participle  governing  a  direct  object,  is  most 
probably  of  later  development  in  English  than  the  predica- 
tive use  of  the  present  participle;  since  the  progressive  tenses 
are  very  common  in  the  works  of  Alfred  (nearly  600  exs., 
according  to  Pessels,  p.  51),  while  the  appositive  participle 
with  a  direct  object  is  practically  unknown  to  him  (only  18 
exs.,  of  which  17  are  in  direct  translation  of  a  Latin  apposi- 
tive participle),  and  does  not  become  frequent  until  the  time 
of  iElfric  (see  Statistics).  But  we  must  turn  from  these 
speculative  questions  to  matters  about  which  a  reasonable 
degree  of  certainty  is  possible. 

IV. 

In  Anglo-Saxon  the  appositive  participle  occurs  by  far 
most  frequently  in  the  nominative  case,  as  is  true  also  in 
Lithuanian  (Delbriiek,  p.  490)  and  in  Old  High  German 
(Mourek).  For  the  representation  of  the  several  cases  in 
Anglo-Saxon  see  the  statistics. 

The  inflexion  of  the  appositive  participle  is  as  follows  : — 
(1)  Present: — The  nominative  singular  of  all  genders  has 
-ende,  with  these  exceptions:  -end  occurs  three  times  in  the 
masculine  (Boeth.  8.  5,JEJifr.  L.  8.  282.  5,JE/fr.  Hept.  (Judges) 
4.  22),  and  once  in  the  feminine  (Bede1  72.  3);  by  confusion 
of  inflected  infinitive  with  participle,  Benei  has  -enne  for  -ende 
four  times  (95.  11,  114.  10,  Gl.  7,  all  masc. ;  98.  6,  fem.), 
-an  for  -and  once  (29.  11,  masc),  and  -endre  for  -ende 
once  (16.  9);  Boeth}  73.  22  has  -inde,  m.     The  GSMN.  has 


THE    APPOSITIVE   PAETICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       151 

-endes  except  once,  in  Benet  (109.  2  :  secgende).  The  GSF.  is 
-eadre  except  once,  in  iElfric  (L.  S.  xxiii.  B.  426  :  ftencende). 
The  DSMN.  is  usually  -endum  (20  exs.),  but  is  -ende  occa- 
sionally (7  exs. :  1  in  xElfred,  1  in  Benedict,  5  in  iElfric),  and 
-endan,  weak,  once  (Luke  6.  49).  The  DSF.  is  -endre  normally 
(4  exs.),  rarely  -ende  (1  ex. :  iElfric).  The  ASM.  is  -endue  21 
times,1  but  -ende  28  times  (Alfred  3,^lfric  8,  A.-S.  Horn.  & 
L.  S.  5,  Gospels  6,  Poems  6).  The  ASF.  is  invariably  -ende. 
The  ASN.  is  -ende  except  once  (Chron.  656  E :  cioceftend).  The 
N.  and  APMFN.  is  -ende  except  twice  in  Benet  (21.  7  :  be- 
cumene  for  becumende,  apm. ;  26.  14:  stirienda,  apn.).  The 
GP.  is  -endra  (14  exs.)  except  twice  in  Benet  (69.  1  :  etenda, 
78.  12:  utgangendre).  The  DP.  is  -endum  (30  exs.)  except 
twice  {JElfr.  de  v.  et  n.  Test  5.  34:  far  ende ;  A.-S.  Horn.  & 
L.  ofS.  i,  7.151  :  ib.). 

(2)  Preterite :— The  NSMN.  is  -ed  (-od,2  -ad2;  -t2)  for 
weak  and  -en  for  strong  verbs.  The  NSF.  is  regularly 
uninflected  (64  exs.),  being  -ed  for  strong  and  -en  for 
weak  verbs  ;  except  twice  in  .ZElfric  (Horn,  ir,  90a2:  fortredene, 
weak  ;  L.  S.  xxiii.  B.  524  :  gedrefedu).  The  GSMN.  is  once 
-es  (Chron.  1100  E)  and  once  -ed  (Christ  20:  forwyrned). 
The  GSF.  is  -re  (2  exs.).  The  DSMN.  is  sometimes  inflected 
(-um  (-an):  11  exs.:  EWS.  7,  Gosp.  1,  Benet  1,  Poems  2), 
but  is  oftener  not  inflected  (21  exs.:  iElfric  17,^4.-6'.  Horn. 
&  L.  S.  2,  Poems  2).  The  DSF.  is  occasionally  inflected 
(-re :  4  exs.:  iElfred  1,  xElfric  2,  Gosp.  1),  but  usually  not 
(14  exs. :  Bl.  Horn.  1,  iElfric  12,  A.-S.  Horn.  &  L.  S.  1). "  The 
ASM.  is  sometimes  inflected  (-ne:  47  exs. :  iElfred  10,  iElfric 
17,  Gosp.  11,  Poems  8,  Benet  1),  sometimes  not  (33  exs.: 
Alfred  1,  .Elfric  28,  Poems  4).  The  ASF.  is  half  the  time 
inflected  (-e:  18  exs. :  Alfred  3,  .Elfric  2,  A.-S.  Horn.  &  L. 
S.  1,  Gosp.  l,Wulfst.  1,  Poems  10),  the  other  half  not  (17 
exs.:  Alfred  1,  .Elfric  Q,A.-S.  Horn.  &  L.  8.  l,Wulfst.  3, 

1In  one  of  these  {Benet  107.  7)  the  text  has  -enne  for  -endne. 
2  These  regular  variants  of  -ed-  will  not  be  specified  hereafter. 


152  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

Benet  2,  Poems  4).  The  ASN.  is  uninflected  except  in  Bede 
314.  14  (getrymede,  but  MS.  Ca.;  getrymed).  The  N.  and 
APM.  is  habitually  inflected  (-e:  over  200  exs.,  in  all  the 
texts),  but  occasionally  not  (15  exs. :  E.  W.  S.  4,  A.-S.  Horn.  & 
L.  S.  1,  Benet  1,  Poems  9).  The  N.  and  APF.  is  invariably 
inflected  (-e  29  exs.;  -u  1  ex.:  Benet  92.  15,  but  see  note 
thereon  in  statistics).  The  N.  and  APN.  is  usually  in- 
flected (-e:  24  exs.;  -an,  weak,  1  ex.:  Bede1  182.  23),  but 
is  uninflected  at  times  (13  exs.  :  iElfred  2,  Bened.  1,  Poems 
10).  The  GP.  is  inflected  regularly  (-ra:  13  exs.)  except 
once  in  the  Ghron.  (656  E :  leered).  The  DP.  is  inflected 
four  times  (-wm),  and  is  uninflected  three  times  (iElfred  1, 
jElfric  2). 

It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  in  Anglo-Saxon,  especially  in 
Late  West  Saxon  and  in  the  poems,  the  appositive  participle 
is  often  not  inflected,  much  oftener  indeed  than  is  stated  in 
Sievers's  Angelsdchsische  Grammatik.3  The  same  is  true  of 
Old  High  German  (Mourek,  p.  19;  O.  Erdmann,  Syntax  d. 
Spr.  Off  rids,  §  355)  and  of  Old  Saxon  (Pratje,  §  156),  but 
not  of  Gothic  (Gering,  p.  393). 

Again,  the  inflexion  of  the  appositive  participle  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  is  almost  invariably  strong.  In  this  sentence  from 
the  BUckling  Homilies  (107.  20 :  Da  ecvSmodan  heortan  and 
-ga  forhtgendan  and  Sa  bifigendan  and  $a  cwacigendan  and  fta 
ondrcedendan  heora  Scyppend,  neforhogaft  Sa  naif  re  God  ne  ne 
forsyhft),  the  weak  participle,  ondrcedendan,  has  an  object,  and 
is  partly  attributive  and  partly  appositive.  The  sentence 
illustrates  well,  I  think,  the  passage  of  the  attributive  into 
the  appositive  use  of  the  participle  ;  the  participle  is  thrust 
into  post-position  because  its  principal  has  several  participial 
modifiers,  and  because  the  participle  itself  has  a  direct  object 
(see  section  hi.,  above).  Sometimes,  even  in  pre-position,  the 
weak  participle  is  strongly  appositive,  as  in  Luke  6.  49  :  He 
is  gelic  %am  timbriendan  men  his  hus  ofer  %a  corftan  =  similis 
est  homini  aedijicanti  domum  super  terram; — Bede1  182.  23  : 
wo3s  geworden  ftostte  ftcere  seolfan  neahte  "Sa  brohton  (MS.  B. : 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       153 

gebrohtaii)  ban  vie  awunedon  =  148.  17  :  factum  est  ut  .  .  ,  . 
reliquiae  adlatae  foris  permanerent ;  ib.  24.  22;  JElfr.  Horn. 
II.,  90i2 ;  ^Elfr.  L.  S.  xxvu.  117.  Compare,  too,  Bede1  130. 
33  :  ¥>ost  he  sceolde  his  freond  ¥>one  betstan  in  neede  gesetum 
(MS.  B. :  gesettan)  in  gold  bebycgan  =  110.  9  :  amicum  suum 
optimum  in  necessitate  positum  auro  uendere.  Mourek  (p.  46) 
cites  three  examples  of  the  appositive  participle  with  weak 
inflection  in  Tatian. 

In  Anglo-Saxon  the  appositive  participle  regularly  follows 
its  principal  (post-position),  though  occasionally  it  precedes 
(pre-position  :  about  100  exs.  in  all,  of  which  8  occur  in  the 
Poems).  Typical  illustrations  are  :  Matthew  8.  25  :  hy  awehton 
hyne,  %us  cweftende  =  suscitaverunt  eum,  dicentes ;  Beowulf 
1819:  we  sosliftend  secgan  wylla^),feorran  cumene;  Beow.  721 : 
Com  . . .  rinc  sifiian  dreamum  bedozled; — Math.  2. 11  :  gangende 
into  ftam  huse,  hi  gemetton  l&ost  did  mid  Marian  =  intrantes 
domum  invenerunt  puerum;  Beow.  1581  :  slospende  frost  folces 
Denigea  fyftyne  men.  It  should  be  added  that  it  is  particu- 
larly difficult  to  distinguish  between  the  post- positive  attribu- 
tive and  the  appositive  participle ;  but  what  Mourek  (p.  44) 
says  of  Tatian  seems  to  me  true  of  Anglo-Saxon  in  general : 
most  post-positive  participles  are  appositive  rather  than 
attributive. 


154  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 


CHAPTER   I. 

STATISTICS  OF  THE  APPOSITIVE  PARTICIPLE 
IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

Explanatory  Note. 

With  the  exception  of  the  glosses  and  of  a  few  out-of-prints, 
1  have  made  a  statistical  reading  of  the  whole  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  literature  and  of  the  more  definitely  known  Latin 
originals  of  the  prose  texts.  For  a  detailed  statement,  see  the 
bibliography. 

Within  the  respective  groups  the  works  are  arranged 
approximately  in  their  chronological  order,  except  the  Minor 
Poems,  which  are  given  in  their  alphabetic  order. 

For  the  light  that  it  throws  upon  Anglo-Saxon  and  Ger- 
manic syntax,  the  participle  with  an  object  is  everywhere 
separated  from  the  participle  without  an  object.  Obviously 
the  distinction  is  of  less  importance  for  the  preterite  than 
for  the  present  participle.  As  applied  to  the  present  parti- 
ciple, the  term  object  has  its  usual  signification  ;  as  applied  to 
the  preterite  participle,  it  includes  not  only  the  object  in  the 
ordinary  acceptation,  but  also  any  noun  modifier  of  the 
participle. 

To  show  the  inflection  of  the  participle,  each  case,  number, 
and  gender  is  cited  separately.  The  abbreviations  used  to 
designate  these  are  self-explanatory,  as  nsn.  =  nominative, 
singular,  neuter,  etc.  Cases  not  cited  do  not  occur.  "  Other 
examples  "  are  throughout  cited  in  the  alphabetic  order  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  participles.  Compound  participles  are  not 
separated  from  the  simple  ones. 

For  convenience  I  have  not  distinguished  $  and  ]>,  but  have 
uniformly  used  3. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO- SAXON.      155 

In  all  of  the  more  definitely  known  translations  the  Latin 
original  is  given. 

I  have  carefully  compared  my  own  statistics  with  those 
given  in  the  monographs  upon  Anglo-Saxon  syntax  named 
in  the  bibliography;  and  but  for  the  divergent  views,  already 
discussed,  as  to  what  constitutes  an  appositive  participle,  I 
should  give  in  detail  the  results  of  my  several  collations. 
However,  if  the  definition  given  in  each  treatise  is  observed, 
the  difference  is  not  great ;  hence  I  shall  call  attention  to 
only  the  more  noteworthy  discrepancies  disclosed  by  my 
collations. 

I  have  tried  to  make  the  statistics  complete  according  to 
the  definition  given  in  my  Introduction.  But,  in  such  a 
mass  of  details,  occasional  omissions  and  misclassifications 
are  inevitable ;  I  can  only  hope  that  they  will  not  prove  so 
numerous  or  serious  as  to  invalidate  this  history  of  the 
appositive  participle  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

Finally,  I  trust  that  these  statistics,  which  at  first  doubt- 
less appear  unnecessarily  detailed,  may  throw  some  light  on 
several  problems  not  germane  to  the  purpose  of  this  mono- 
graph, such  as  the  contested  authorship  of  the  Alfredian 
works;  the  Anglo-Saxon  vocabulary;  the  relationship  of 
Anglo-Saxon  to  Latin  syntax  aside  from  the  use  of  the  parti- 
ciple, etc. ; — some  of  which  I  hope  to  take  up  at  another  time. 

I.    IN  THE  PROSE  WORKS. 

BEDE1   (180). 

A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (107). 

I.    Without  an  Object  (93). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (58) : — 

NSM.  (23) :— 22.  34  :  Dfet  sum  on  N.  ma-g-Se  of  dea$e 
arisende  .  .  .  secgende  wses  =  303.  24 :  Ut  quidam  ...  a 


156  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

raortuis  resurgens  .  .  .  narraverit ;  102.  21  is  ssegd  Sset  he 
beotigende  forecwsede  =  83.  27:  "fertur  minitans  praedixisse. — 
Other  examples: — 8.  19:  becumende  =  36.  4:  perueniens  ; 
24.  3:  ib.  =  311.  1:  ueniens;  270.  4:  beoliende  =  211.  10: 
minitans;  22.  29;  bodiende  =  298.  27:  praedicans;  12.  11 : 
cumende  =  97.  4  :  ueniens;  8.  16  :  i&.  =  33.  21  :  nauigans  ; 
8.  28  :  r'6.  =  39.  29 :  reuersus;  114.  21  :  /<We  =  92.  24  : 
fugiens;  190.  18  :  forhtigende  =  153.  1  :  tremens;  62.  13  :  #e- 
feonde  =  47.  22  :  credens  ;  442.  26  :  gnorniende  =  314.  14 : 
merens  ;  154.  3:  grimsigende  =  128.  6  :  saeuiens  ;  204.  17: 
onhleoniende  =  1 60.  24  :  incumbens ;  sorgende  —  sollicitus, 
186.  23  =  150.  29,  268.  7  =  210.  9  ;  sweltende  =  moriens, 
18.  18  =  220.  21  (or  attrib.  in  A.-S.?)  and  286.  6  ==  221.  3 ; 
ib.  =  moriturus,  24.  5  =  313.  26  ;  410.  27  :  swigende  =  297. 
23:  tacitus;  86.  22al:  wceccende  =  60.  28:  sciens ;  86.  22b : 
(iio)weotende  =61.  1  :  nesciens  (I  insert  no  from  MSS.  Ca. 
and  O.). 

NSF.  (3):— 332.  2:  Sreo  &  Srittig  $sem  aerestum  heo 
secSelice  gefylde  in  weoruldhade  drohtiende  =  252.  23:  xxxiii 
primos  in  saeeulari  habitu  nobilissime  conuersata  complenit. — 
Other  examples:  186.  31  :  oiidrcedende  =  151.  10:  iimens ; 
18.  20:  ufgangende  =  220.  22:  egressura. 

NSN.  (1): — 86.  10:  mid  "Sy  "Saet  mood  'Sis  ne  weotende 
arsef'neS  =  60.  7  :  quia  banc  animum  nescientem  pertulisse. 

NSM.  or  F.  (2) :— 240.  26  :  wol  .  .  .  grimsigende  =  192. 
4:  desaeuiens ;  264.  25:  ingongende  =  208.  25:  egressa  (the 
two  preceding  nouns  are  3«  stefn  and  "Sowe  sa??^.  Of  ingressa 
the  subject  is  mr). 

XPM.  (8): — 252.  2a&b:  se  b.  and  heora  lareowas  gefeonde 
and  blissigende  ham  hwurfon  =  200.  7  :  sacerdotes,  doctor- 
esque  .  .  .  rediere  laetantes. — Other  examples: — 310.  1  :  feoh- 
tende  =  238.  19  :  compugnantes  ;  284.  15  :  forhtiende  =  220. 
5:    tremefadae;    312.   2:    ondettende  =  239.   24:    professi; 

1  In  this  text  the  superior  letters  distinguish  different  examples  in  the 
same  line. 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       157 

54.  4:   sarigende  =  32.  33:  dohntes ;   438.  30:  sittende  = 
312.  11  :  residens;  186.  9:  sorgiende  =  150.  13:  sollicUL 

NPN  (1) : — 158.  27  :  'Skier  gcfeonde  coman  .  .  .  folc  Godes 
word  to  gehyranne  =  132.  20  :  coufluebant  ad  audiendura 
verbum  populi  gaudentes  (or  pred.?). 

NDM.  (2):— 430.  27:  hwerfende  =  308.  7:  reuersi ;  424. 
20  :  suigiende  =  304.  30  :  tacentes. 

GPN.  (1) : — 104.  18:  seo  is  rnonigra  folca  ceapstow  of 
londe  and  of  sse  cumendra  =  85.  11  :  .  .  .  populorum  terra 
marique  uenientium. 

DSM.  (3): — 316.  18  :  swa  swa  me  seolfum  frinendum  .  .  . 
W.  ssegde  =  343.  12:  sicut  mihimet  sciscitanti  .  .  .  W. 
referebat.— Other  examples :  382.22:  biddendum=  280.  12: 
roganti  (or  attrib.  ?) ;  330.  14:  taltriendum  =  251.  34:  peri- 
clitanti. 

DSF.  (1) : — 288.  34  :  swa  swa  heo  to  hire  lijigendre  sprsece, 
bsed  Sset,  etc.  =  223.  5  :  quasi  iiiuentem  adlocuta,  rogavit. 

DPM.  (4) : — 382.  17  :  ftset  hie  mihton  heora  biddendum 
freondum  syllan  =  280.  6  :  quam  rogantibus  amicis  dare  .  .  . 
possent  (or  attrib.?). — Other  examples  : — 366.  21 :  cumendum 
=  271.  29  :  tidumientibus ;  8.  2  :  gelyfendum  =  28.  15  :  crc- 
dentes ;  336.  25:  wuniendum  =  255.  28:  manentibus. 

ASM.  (3) : — 228.  19:  he  eorre  -Sone  cyningfy7/7<???(/egehran 
mid  'Ssere  gyrde  =  174.  6  :  Iratus  autem  tetigit  Regem  iacen- 
tem. — Other  examples: — 312.  27b :  forftleorendne  =  240.  22: 
procedentem  ;  270.  22  :  iifigende  (MS.  Ca. :  lifigendne)  =  211. 
30:  in  carne  manentem. 

ASN.  (2):— 140.  12:  he  noht  elles  dyde  .  .  .  "Son  Sset 
cumende  Cristes  folc  "Sider  of  eallum  tunum  .  .  .  mid  god- 
cundre  lare  timbrede  =  115.  4:  nil  aliud  ageret  quam  con- 
fluentem  eo  .  .  .  plebem  C.  .  .  .  verbo  instruere;  412.  13: 
licgende  =  298.  9  :  iacenlem. 

APM.  (2): — 276.  12:   licade  us  efencuman  sefter  'Seawe 

arwyi"Sra  rehta  smeagende  bi  -Seem,  etc.  =  215.  1  :  placuit 

conuenire  nos,  .  .  .  tractaturos  de,  etc. ;  10.  29  :  hwylc  wracu 

hi  forhogiende  aefterfyligde  =  81.  8:   quaeue  illos  spernentcs 

2 


158  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

ultio  secuta  est.  [Miller  and  Smith  have  him  forhogiende,  in 
which  ease  forhogiende  would  be  a  "crude"  dative  plural; 
but  it  seems  preferable  to  read  hi  forhogiende,  the  variant 
given  by  Miller  and  Schipper,  which  corresponds  better  with 
the  Latin.  Though  Miller  apparently  so  translates,  him 
could  scarcely  be  the  object  of  forhogiende,  since  accord- 
ing to  Wiilfing  (p.  186)  this  verb  governs  the  accusative 
only.] 

APF.  (2) : — 426.  33aAb:  $a  geseah  ic  msenigo  'Sara  wergra 
gasta  v.  monna  sawla  grornende  &  heofende  teon  &  lsedan 
on  =  306.  13a&b:  considero  turbam  malignorum  spirituum, 
quae  quinque  auimas  hominum  merentes  heiulantesque  .  .  . 
trahebat. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
finite  verb,  which  finite  verb  is  usually  in  immediate  connec- 
tion with  an  appositive  participle  (5) : — 

NSM.  (3): — 160.  15:  he  "Sa  gifeonde  'Searfum  rehte  and 
sealde  =  135.  28  :  Cuncta  .  .  .  mox  hauperibus  .  .  .  erogare 
gaudebcd  (cf.  gefeonde  =  gaudentes  in  158.  27  =  132.  20, 
etc.). — Other  examples: — 88.  17a&b:  goiende  }  geomriende 
cwseS  =  61.  25  :  gemebat  dicens. 

NPM.  (2) :— 250.  28  :  and  Cristes  noman  .  .  .  gefeonde 
[MS.  B. :  lustlice]  andettan  =  200.  5  :  ac  nomen  C  .  .  .  con- 
fiteri  gauderent ;  240.  13:  Drihtne  gefeonde  "Seowodon  = 
180.  25  :  Christo  .   .  .  seruire  gaudebant. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
gerund  in  the  ablative  (20) : — 

NSM.  (16):— 22.  17a&b:  Dajt  he  his  preosta  senne  .  .  . 
gebiddende  y  bletsigende  fram  deaSe  gecyrde  =  289.  4c&d: 
orando  ac  benedicendo  a  morte  reuocauerit. — Other  ex- 
amples: — 348.  25:  bebeodende  =  262.  18:  commendando ; 
270.  34:  dwoliende  =  212.  11  :  errando;  346.  3:  eodorcende 
=  260.  31:  ruminando;  246.  25b :  gongende  =  195.  21b : 
incedendo ;  gebiddende  =  orando,  8.  23b  =  37.  5,  12.  10  = 
93.  26,  16.  2  =  158.  27,  20.  29  =  271.  3,  22.  7b  =  281.  2, 
22.  11  =  285.  1,  22.  14  =  288.  1 ;  ib.  =  benedicendo,  22.  9 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       159 

=  282.  30;  246.  25a :  ridende  =  195.  21a:  equitando ;  348. 
24  :  segniende  =  262.  17  :  signando. 

NSF.  (2):— 72.  3a&b:  Saette  oft  [cirice  is  to  be  supplied 
from  earlier  part  of  sentence]  Sset  wrSerworde  yfel  abeorende 
and  celdend  (MS.  O. :  yldende)  bewereS  =  51.  29,  30:  ut 
saepe  malum  quod  aduersatur  portando  et  dissimulando 
conpescat. 

NPM.  (1) : — 72.  9  :  "Sa  fte  him  ne  ondrsedaft  weotonde 
syngian  =  52.  1  :  qui  non  metuunt  sciendo  peccare. 

ASM.  (1) : — 22.  16a:  Beet  he  his  preosta  senne  of  horse 
fcdlende  &  gebrysedne  gel  ice  gebiddende  &  bletsigencle  fram 
deafte  gecyrde  =  289.  4a :  Ut  clericum  suum  cadendo  contri- 
tum,  aeque  orando  ac  benedicendo  a  morte  reuocauerit. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adjective  (2) : — 

NSM.  (1): — 204.  3  :  he  .  .  .  on  Ssere  styfte  stondende 
forbferde  =  160.  5  :  .  .  .  addinis  destinae  .  .  .  spiritum,  uitae 
exhalaret  ultimum. 

NPM.  (1): — 54.  5:  sume  forhliende  on  e$le  gebidon  = 
33.  1  :  alii  perstantes  in  patria  trepidi  .  .  .  agebant. 

5.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
prepositional  phrase  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1) : — 142.  8  :  ssegde  he  ftaet  he  hine  cneoht  weosende 
gesawe  =  116.  12  :  et  se  in  pueritia  vidisse  testabatur.  [hine 
here  stands  for  here,  'sanctuary.' — Cf.  Bede  188.  1  :  in  Bam 
mynstre  ...  in  Sam  cneohtivesendum  "Sis  hselo  wundor  ge- 
worden  waes  =  151.  15:  in  eodem  monastprio  ...  in  quo  tunc 
puero  factum  erat  hoc  miraculum  sanitatis,  in  which  cneoht- 
wesendum  is  perhaps  a  substantive.  Cf.  further  Widsift  39 ; 
Beow.  46,  372,  535,  1187.] 

6.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adverb  (2) : — 

NSM.  (1) :— 38.  1  :  Da  ...  he  ealle  3a  witu  .  .  .  geSyldelice 
and  gefeonde  for  Drihtne  abser  and  arsefnde  =  20.  1  :  Qui  .  .  . 
patienter  hsec  pro  Domino  irarao  gaudenter  ferebat.  [Per- 
haps it  is  better  to  consider  gefeonde  here  as  a  pure  adverb.] 


160  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

NPM.  (1) : — 310.  30  :  Das  we  seondon  arfsestlice  fyligende 
&  rihtwuldriende  =  239.  23 :  Hos  itaque  sequentes  nos  pie 
atque  ortkodoxe.  [Pure  adverb?  Cf.  310.  25:  we  waeron 
sineagende  rehtne  jjeleafan  &  rehtwuldriende  =  239.  17  :  fidem 
rectam  &  orthodoxam  exposuimus,  where  rehtwuldriende  is  an 
adjective.] 

7.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
future  infinitive  (2) : — 

NPM.  (2):— 266.  32a&b :  sefter  seofou  dagum  heo  eft  hweor- 
fende  &  cumende  me  gehehton ;  ^  me  -Sonne  mid  him  lsedan 
woldon  =  209.  34 :  se  redituros,  ac  me  secum  adducturos 
esse  promiserunt. 

8.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  correspond- 
ence (3) : — 

NSM.  (1) : — 464.  16:  gefeonde  <5a  heofonlican  rico  gestah 
&  gesohte  =  330.  1  :  no  Latin  correspondent. 

NPM.  (1): — 100.  12:  Da  ondetton  eac  Biettas  scomiende 
■ftaet  heo  ougeton  =  82.  14 :  Turn  Brettones  confitentur  quidem 
intellexisse  se. 

ASM.  (1)  : — 214.  32:  -Sa  gegreopon  3a  unclsenan  gastas 
serine  of  •<5am  monnum  iSe  heo  in  ftsern  fyre  bserndon  and 
"Srse^ton  *]  wurpon  swa  beornendne  on  hine  &  he  gehran  his 
sculdra  ^  his  ceacan  3  hine  swa  forbserndon  =  166.  26: 
arripientes  immundi  spiritus  unum  de  eis,  quos  in  ignibus 
torrebant,  iactaverunt  in  eum,  et  contingentes  humerum 
maxillamque  eius  incenderunt. 

II.   With  an  Object  (14). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (14) : — 

NSM.  (8) : — 378.  25  :  he  mid  fty  maestan  gewinne  mid  his 
crycce  hine  ivreftigende  ham  becom  [MS.  B. :  hine  gewreftede 
&  ham  becom]  =  278.  15:  maximo  cum  labore  baculo 
innitens  domum  peruenit.  Cf.  380.  7  :  his  leomo  mid  his 
crycce  wreftgende  eode  in  cyrican   [MS.   B. :    gewreftede  & 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      161 

eode]  =  278.  27:  artus  baculo  sustentans  intrauit  ecclesiam. — 
14.  4 :  Beet  se  ylca  cyning  biddende  .  .  .  biscope  onfeng 
Aidanura  on  naman  gehatenne  =  131.  4 :  Ut  .  .  .  rex  postu- 
lans  antistitem  .  .  .  acceperit  Aidanura.  Cf.  10. 12:  andsware 
biddende  onfeng  =  48.  2  :  responsa  petens  acceperit. — 10.  7  : 
and  swa  .  .  .  G.  word  bodigende  on  Cent  eode  =  44.  25 :  sic 
.  .  .  Cantiam  praedicaturus  intrauerit. — 352.  14:  •ftsette  .  .  . 
ongan,  swa  he  eft  for  intingan  "Saere  godcundan  lufan  lust- 
fuUiende  ■Sam  ecum  medura  faestlice  forSlaeste  =  264.  12: 
quod  .  .  .  iam  causa  diuini  amoris  deledatus  praemiis  inde- 
fessus  agebat. — 450.  20 :  mid  fty  he  wses  god  re  gleaunesse 
cniht  3  he  3a  yldo  mid  $eawum  oferstigende  [MS.  B. :  wses 
oferstigende]  &  he  swa  gemetfaestlice  &  swa  ymbsceawiendlice 
hine  sylfne  on  eallura  bingura  beheold  Saet  =  322.  27  :  atque 
aetatem  moribus  transiens,  ita  .  .  .  gereret  ut  (or  pred.  ?). — 
16.  8  :  ©set  se  .  .  .  b.  ovfonde  .  .  .  sume  stowe  mynster  on  to 
timbrianne,  &  3a  mid  halgum  gebedum  &  fasstenum  Drihtne 
gehalgode  =  174.  22:  Ut  idem  episcopus  locum  .  .  .  accipiens 
„  .  .  Domino  consecraverit. 

NPM.  (3):— 312.  23a&b:  we  wuldria«  usserne  D.  swa  swa 
-Sas  wuldredon  .  .  .  noht  tocetecende  oSSe  onweg  ateonde  = 
240.  18a&b:  glorificamus  D.  sicut  .  .  .  nihil  addentes  uel  sub- 
trahentes. — 312.  25  :  <5a  3e  heo  onfengon  we  eac  swelce  onfoS 
.  .  .  wuldriende  God  Feeder,  etc.  =  240.  20  :  suscepimus, 
glorificantes  Deura,  etc. 

GSN.  (1) : — 426.  30  :  gehled  &  ceahetunge  swa  swa  unge- 
laeredes  folces  &  biosmriendes  gehseftum  heora  feondum  = 
306.  10 :  cachinum  crepitantem  quasi  uulgi  indocti  captis 
hostibus  insultantis. 

APM.  (2) : — 54.  31  :  sende  munecas  mid  hine  Drihten 
ondredende  =  42.  2 1  :  misit  monachos  timentes  Dominum. — 
358.  10  :  Ac  forSon  3e  he  ne  wolde  3y  aerran  geare  gehyran 
3one  arwyr3an  faeder  Ecgberht,  -Saet  he  Sceottas  hine  noht 
sceftftende  ne  afuhte  =  267.  7  :  sed  quoniam  noluerat  audire 
E.,  ne  Scottiam  nil  se  ledentem  irapugnaret. 


162  MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    JR. 

Note. — In  Bede 1  430.  18  (in  Ssere  ic  eae  swylce  $a  swetestan 
stsefne  geherde  Godes  lof  singendra  =  307.  31  :  in  qua  etiam 
uocem  cantantium  dulcissirnam  audiui)  we  have  a  substantiv- 
ized participle  witli  an  object. 


B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (73). 

I.    Without  Object  (60). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (47) : — 

NSM.  (14): — 318.  1  :  Sset  .  .  .  lichoraa  bebyrged  brosnian 
ne  meahte  =  243.  24 :  sepulta  caro  corrurapi  non  potuit. — 
Other  examples: — 400.  25:  bewrigen  =  290.  15:  obtectus ; 
396.  20  :f ordered  =  288.  9:  defunctus  ;  442.  22:  ge-ead- 
moded=  314.  10  :  humiliatus  ;  8.  23a :  gehcefd  [MS.  B. :  wses 
gehrefd]  =  37.  5  :  detentus;  442.  23  :  genV&erad  =  314.  12  : 
damnatus  ; — geseted  =  posltus,  20.  27  =  268.  20  &  444.  5  = 
314.  21  ;  10.  10  :  geworden  =  48.  1  :  /actus;  260.  7  :  haten 
=  205.  28:  iussus ;  278.  18b :  ib.  =  216.  16b:  invitcdus ; 
92.  17:  oferswifted  =  71.  23:  uictus;  352.  13;  onbryrded 
=  264.  11:  conpundus;  278.  18a :  onfongen  =  216.  16*: 
susceptus. 

NSF.  (4):— 330.  30:  heo  of  eorSau  t  alceded  leorde  $y 
fifteogeftan  dsege  =  252.  20  :  de  terris  ablata  transmit. — Other 
examples: — 340. 16  :  afyrhted  =  257 '.  20:  perterrita;  470.  25: 
geriht  [MS.  B. :  geriht  wa^s]  =  346.  12  :  oorreeta  ;  104.  17  : 
geseted  =  85.  10  :  posita. 

NSN.  (1): — 78.  15:  vviif  in  blodes  flovvnesse  geseted  = 
52.  1  :  in  fluxu  posita;  ib.  78.  28  =  56.  5. 

NS.  M.  or  N.  (1) :— 150.  13 :  .  .  .  rarel  &  cajlic  .  .  .  gehal- 
gad  =  126.  9  :  calicem  .  .  .  consecratum. 

NS.  N.  or  F.  (1):— 262.  22:  wsel  &  moncwild  gesended 
=•  207.  21  :  clades  missa. 

NPM.  (7): — 164.  7:  ofr&et  heo  stycceinselum  aafedde 
.  .  .  beboda  onfon  meahte  (MS.  Ca.  :   niihten)  =137.   17: 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       163 

donee  paulatim  enutriti  ...  ad  capienda  .  .  .  praecepta  suffi- 
cerent.— Other  examples  :— 202.  20:  ofyrhte  =  159.  21 
territi;  160.  26:  bescorene  =  136.  10:  adtonsi ;  234.  1 
forKferde  (MS.  Ca. :  forftferende)  =  176.  30  :  morientes  ;  8.  5 
genedde  =29.  12:  coadi ;  58.  24:  gewelgade  =  45.  33 
praediti;  310.  2  :  togotene  =  238.  22  :  refusi. 

NPN.  (2)  : — 140.  3  :  wseron  eac  gefulwade  o$er  his  beam 
of  A.  3sere  cwene  acende  =114.  25  :  Baptizati  sunt  alii 
liberi  eius  de  A.  progeniti. — 182.  23:  waes  geworden  "Ssette 
■Ssere  seolfan  neahte  $a  brohton  (MS.  B.  :  gebrohlan)  ban  ute 
awunedon  =  148.  17  :  factum  est  ut  .  .  .  reliquiae  adlatae 
foris  permanerent  (may  be  attrib.). 

DSF.  (1) : — 320.  7  :  cwomon  heo  to  sum  re  ceastre  gehro- 
renre  noht  feor  Sonon  =  245.  1  :  uenerunt  ad  ciuitatulam 
quondam  desolatam,  non  procul  inde  sitam. 

DSN.  (1): — 338.  32:  in  obrum  mynstre  fy rr  gesettum  = 
257.  2  :  in  alio  longius  posilo  monasterio. 

ASM.  (8): — 312.  27a :  we  eac  swelce  onfoS,  wuldriende 
God  Feeder  &  his  Sunu  -Sone  acennedan  of  Faader  acennedne 
asr  worulde  =  240.  21  :  .  .  .  glorificantes  Deum  &  filium 
eius  unigenitum  ex  Patre  generatum. — Other  examples: — 
288.  12:  bewundenne=  222.  14:  inuolutum ;  380.  24:  for%- 
feredne  =  279.  14:  defunctum;  22.  16b :  gebrysedne  =  289. 
4b :  contritum;  88.  15:  gebundennc  =  61.  23:  ligatum ;  246. 
7:  gelceredne  =  194.  28  :  instructum  ;  94.  14  :  genumm  (MS. 
B. :  genumenne)  =  79.  9  :  sumtum;  130.  33 :  gesetum  (MS.  B. : 
geseltan)  =  110.  9  :  position. 

ASF.  (3): — 58.  25a&b:  Bseron  .  .  .  anlicnesse  Drihtnes 
Hselendes  on  brede  ofmgde  and  awritene  =  46.  2  :  ferentes 
.  .  .  imaginem  ...  in  tabula  depictam  ;  484.  28  :  ge&ydde  = 
359.  29  :  adiedum. 

ASN.  (3):— 122.  12:  Ha?fde  he  .  .  .  twiecge  handseax 
gecettred  =  99.  3  :  qui  habebat  sicam  bicipitem  toxicatam. — 
Other  examples: — 106.  7:  gehalgod  =  86.  12:  dedicatum ; 
314.  14:  priuilegium  of  Ssere  apostolican  aldorlicnesse  getry- 
mede  (MS.  Ca. :  getrymed)  =  241 .  14  :  ...  epistulam  priuilegii 


164  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

ex  auctoritate   apostolica  firmatam  (getrymede  due  to  close 
following  of  firmatam  ?). 

APM.  (1):— 296.  7:  Geseah  he  .  .  .  $ry  wsepnedmen  to 
him  cuman  mid  beorhtum  hrseglum  gegyrede  =  226.  21: 
Uidit  enim  .  .  .  tres  ad  se  uenisse  uiros  claro  indidos  habitu. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
predicative  participle  (1) : — 

NSN.  (1):— 272.  6:  Is  ofer  his  byrgenne  stowe  treowge- 
weorc  on  gelicnesse  medmicles  huses  geworht,  mid  hrsegle 
gegy rived  =  212.  17:  Est  antem  locus  idem  sepulcri  tumba 
lignea  in  modum  domunculi  facta  co-opertus. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adjective  (3) : — 

NSM.  (3) : — 312.  4a  &  b :  In  .  .  .  mynstre  wses  sum  broftor 
syndriglice  mid  godcundre  gife  gemcered  ^  geweorftad  = 
258.  28  :  In  m.  fuit  frater  quidam  diuina  gratia  specialiter 
insignis;  88.  25  :  geneded  =  62.  2  :  inuitus. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
prepositional  phrase  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1) :— 16.  15  :  Beet  E.  se  halga  wer  of  Angelcynnes 
cynne  acenned  munuclif  wses  Isedende  on  Hibernia  =  191. 
26  :  Ut  E.,  uir  sanctus  de  natione  Anglorum,  monachicam  in 
H.  uitam  duxerit. 

5.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  corre- 
spondence (8) : — 

NSM.  (5) : — 20.  28  :  Dset  se  wer  on  ancerlife  geseted  .  .  . 
gelsedde  =  271.  3  :  Ut  idem  in  uita  auachoretica  .  .  .  pro- 
dnxerit,  lb.:  22.  7a=281.  2.  [Cf.  geseted  =  positus  in 
20.  27  =  268.  20,  444.  5  =  314.  21.]— Other  examples:— 
114.  14  :  geswenced  &  werig  [MSS.  B.  &  C. :  wses]  =  92.  17; 
258.  28  :  haten  ('  called ')  =  205. 15  ;  434.  24  :  haten  ('  called ') 
=  310.  6. 

ASM.  (1): — 14.  5:  ©set  se  ylca  cyning  biddende  .  .  . 
biscope  (MS.  B. :  bysceop)  onfeng  Aidanum  on  naman  ge- 
hatenne=  131.  4:  Ut  idem  rex  postulans  antistitem  .  .  . 
acceperit  Aidanum.    [Cf.  158.  12  :  him  biscop  sendon,  Aidan 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.       165 

wses  haten  =  131.  15  :  accepit  namque  pontificem  Aeda- 
num.] 

APM.  (1) : — 328.  7  :  'Sa  stafas  mid  him  awritene  hsefde  (or 
pred.  ?)  =  250.  28  :  no  Latin  equivalent.  [MS.  B.  omits 
awritene. ~\ 

APN.  (1) : — 108.  17  :  fta  'Sing  *Se  $ser  gedemed  wseron  .  .  . 
wrat  and  fcestnade  ond  eft  hwearf  to  B.  3  "Sa  mid  hine  on 
Ongolciricum  to  healdenne  awriten  brohte  —  88.  22  (or 
pred.?). 

II.    With  an  Object  (13). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (12) : — 

NSM.  (3):— 214.  11:  eft  onlysed  3y  lichoman  byrneS 
=  166.  4 :  ita  solutus  corpore  ardebit. — Other  examples  : — 
478.  1 :  eldo  fornumen  =  349.  29  :  consumtus  aetate;  440.  20: 
witum  under^Seoded  =  313.  3  :  psenis  subditus. 

NSF.  (1) :— 332.  16  :  ForSon  3e  .  .  .  HereswrS  .  .  .  re- 
gollicum  ^eodscipum  underfteoded,  baad  $one  ecan  sige  = 
253.  10  :  Nam  H.  .  .  .  regularibus  subdita  disci plinis  ex- 
pectabat. 

GSF.  (1): — 172.  26:  Bisse  fsemnan  Gode  gehalgodre 
monige  weorc  .  .  .  gewuniaS  .  .  .  ssegd  beon  =  143.  1 :  Huius 
autem  uirginis  Deo  dicatae  solent,  etc. 

GPF.  (1): — 284.  32:  in  $ara  ftemnena  mynstre  Gode 
gehalgodra  =  220.  26  :   in  uirginum  Deo  dedicatarum  cella. 

DSM.  (1) : — 16.  12  :  Se  cyning  for  -Sam  sige  sealdan  him 
.  .  .  sealde,  etc.  =  129.  11  :  pro  adepta  uictoria  .  .  .  dederit. 

DPF.  (1)  : — 14.  15  :  be  E.  and  A.  Gode  gehalgedum 
fsemnuni  =  142.  2  :  de  E.  and  JE.,  sacratis  Deo  uirginibus. 

DPN.  (1): — 24.  22:  mid  him  Sam  underfteoddum  myn- 
strum  =  346.  14  :   cum  subiedis  sibi  monasteriis  (or  atttrib.  ?). 

ASF.  (1) : — 232.  2  :  ne  ftonne  nemne  medmicel  dsel  hlafes 
and  an  henne  seg  mid  litle  meolc  wsetre  gemengede  he  onfeng 
=  175.  30  :  cum  paruo  lacte  aqua  mixto  percipiebat. 

ASN.  (1): — 344.  28  :  -Sy  betstan  leo$e  geglenged  him  asong 


166  MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    JR. 

and  ageaf,  Sfet  him  hcboden  wses  =  260.  24  :  optimo  carmine, 
quod  iubebatur,  conpositum  reddidit. 

APN.  (1): — 212.  23:  Geseah  lie  eac  feower  fyr  onseled 
on  -Ssere  lyfte  noht  micle  fsece  betweoh  him  tosceaden  = 
165.  20 :  .  .  .  quatuor  ignes  .  .  .  non  multo  .  .  .  spatio 
distantes. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
gerundive  (1) : — 

NSF.  (1)  :— 236.  29  :  Da  eode  seo  .  .  .  dohtor  .  .  .  Gode 
geha/god  in  baet  mynster  =  179.  1  :  Intrauit  filia  Deo  dedi- 
canda  ruonasterium. 

BOETHIUS1    (27). 
A.— THE    PRESENT  PARTICIPLE    (17). 

I.   Without  ax  Object  (17). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (2) : — 

NSM.  (1)  : — 14.  16  :  se  broc,  3eah  he  swife  of  his  rihtryne, 
"Sonne1  "Seer  micel  stan  weahviende  of  Sam  heohan  munte 
oninnan  fealS  &  hine  todselS  &  him  his  rihtrynes  wiftstent  = 
23.  16  :  Quique  uagatur  montibus  altis  defluus  amnis,  ssepe 
resistit  rupe  soluti  obice  saxi. 

NSF.  (1)  : — 81.  27  :  Swa  ftu  gesceope  Sa  saule  •Sset  hio 
sceolde  ealne  weg  hwearfian  on  hire  selfre,  swa  swa  eall  Ses 
rodor  hwerfS,  oSSe  swa  swa  hweol  onhwerfS,  smeagende  ymb 
hire  sceoppend  oSSe  ymbe  hi  selfe  =  71.  13:  Tu  triplicis 
mediam  naturae  cuncta  moventem  conectens  animam  per 
consona  membra  resoluis.  Quae  cum  secta  duos  motum 
glomerauit  in  orbes,  in  semet  reditura  meat  mentemque 
profnudam  circuit  et  simili  conuertit  imagine  caelum. 

2.  The  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
finite  verb,  which  verb  is  in  immediate  connection  with  an 
appositive  participle  (1) : — 

1 1  have  expanded  the  contractions  of  this  text. 


THE   APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE   IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       167 

NPM.  (1) : — 108.  14:  irnaS  hidres  Sidres  dwoligende  under 
•Saem  hrofe  eallra  gesceafta  =  93.  78  :  sed  circa  ipsam  rerum 
sum  mam  uerticemque  deficiunt  nee  in  eo  miseris  contiugit 
efFectus  quod  solum  dies  noctesque  moliuntur. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
substantive  in  the  ablative  (2)  : — 

NSM.  (2) :— 8.  81&2 :  wepende  &  gisciende  =  3.  2  :  fletibus. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  loosely  to  a 
Latin  substantive  in  the  nominative  (1) : — 

NPM.  (1) :— 74.  31  :  dwoliende  =  67.  9  :  error  etc. 

5.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adjective  (2) : — 

NSM.  (2): — 8.  15:  geomriende  asungen  haefde  =  4.  2: 
querimoniam  lacrimabilem ;  8.  6  :  ic  sceal  nu  heofiende  singan 
=  3.  1  :  flebilis. 

6.  The  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  corre- 
spondence (9) : — 

NSM.  (9) : — 3.  7  :  Hu  B.  hine  singende  gebsed  ;  singende 
cwsfiS  :  9.  29,  46.  2,  48.  22,  60.  27,  71.  4,  8.  5  {singend—), 
73.  22  (singinde — );  17.  14:  sorgiende  anforlete. 

II.    With  an  Object  (0). 
No  example. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (10). 

I.    Without  an  Object  (10). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (3) : — 

GPM.  and  N.  (2):— 11.  27,  281 :  Ne  me  na  ne  lyst  mid 
glase  geworhtra  (or  attrib.  ?)  waga  ne  heahsetla  mid  golde  & 
mid  gimmum  gerenodra=  19.  21  :  ...  comptos  ebore  ac  uitro 
parietes. 

ASN.  (1):— 133.  22:  God  seleS  aegSer  ge  good  ge  yfel 
gemenged  =  112.  140:  mixta. 


168  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
absolute  participle  (1) : — 

NS.  F.  or  N.  (1):— 91.  8:  wuht  .  .  .  Se  ungened  lyste 
forweorSan  =  78.  45  :  nullis  cogenlibus. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
finite  verb  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1): — 46.  27:  se  nama  mid  feaum  stafum  awriten 
=  47.  17  :  signal  nomen  Uteris. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adjective  (1) : — 

NP.  F.  or  N.  (1) : — 100.  22  :  gesceafta  hiora  agnum  willurn 
ungenedde  him  waeren  underSiodde  =  83.  47 :  uoluntaria 
sponte. 

5.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  corre- 
spondence (4)  : — 

NSN.  (1):— 131.  27:  gemenged  =  111.  96  (cf.  133.  22: 
gemenged  =  112.  140:  mixta). 

NPM.  (2) :— 30.  25,  26  :  Sonne  sint  hi  Se  pliolicran  & 
geswincfulran  hcefd  Sonne  ncefd. 

GPF.  (1) :— 11.  28  :  boca  mid  golde  awritenra  =  19.  21  (an 
ap.  ptc.  occurs  in  the  Latin  of  this  sentence,  but  not  correspond- 
ing to  awritenra). 

II.   With  an  Object  (0). 
No  example. 

GREGORY1    (82). 
A.  — THE   PRESENT   PARTICIPLE    (58). 

I.   Without  an  Object.  (56). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (9) : — 

NSM.  (2) : — 261.  11 :  Se  ilea  suigende  geSafode  swingellan 
=  1 96b ' :  tacitus  flagella  toleravit ;  225.  22  ;  Keahtigende  = 
1 70b :  retractantes. 

1  In  this  text  a  refers  to  the  top  and  b  to  the  bottom  of  the  page. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       169 

NSN.  (1)  : — 431. 18  :  Swa  bi$  -$a?t  mod  slozpende  gewundad 
swa  hit  ne  gefret,  ftonne  etc.  =  356a :  Mens  quippe  a  cura 
suae  sollicitudinis  dormiens  verberatur  et  non  dolet,  quia  etc. 

NPM.  (3) : — 405.  31  :  Ac  $a  hie  wendon  hfera  bsec  to  him, 
■Sa  hi  ofermodgiende  his  gebod  forhogdon  =  326a :  superbiens 
ejus  jussa  contemsit. — Other  examples: — 259.  19:  suigende 
=  196a:  taciti ;  171.  9:  fturhwuniende  =  126a:  inhaerentes. 

DSM.  (2) : — 93.  9  :  Hit  is  gecueden  -Sset  se  sacerd  scolde 
sweltan,  gif  se  sweg  nsere  of  him  gehiered  ge  inngcmgendum 
ge  utgongendum  =  62b :  Sacerd  os  nam  que  ingrediens  vel  egre- 
diens  moritur,  se  de  eo  sonitus  non  auditur. 

ASM.  (1):— 399.  14:  Sio  Segor  geh aside  Loth  fleondne  = 
318a :  Segor  civitas,  quae  fugientem  salvet  infirmum. 

Note. — In  159.  18  (ftset  hi  -Sonne  gehieran  ftreagende  of 
•Sses  lariowes  mu^e  hu  micle  byrSenne  hie  habba-S  on  hiera 
scyldum  =  HGa:  ut  cum  culpa  ab  auctore  non  cognoscitur, 
quanti  sit  ponderis,  ab  increpantis  ore  sentiatur)  ^Sreagende,  as 
Cosijn  suggests  (vol.  2,  p.  97),  is  doubtless  used  adverbially. 
We  should  expect  the  genitive,  ftreagendes,  to  agree  with 
lariowes.     Compare  the  use  of  Kreatigende  in  315.  23,  etc. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
finite  verb,  which  finite  verb  either  is  subordinate  or  is  in 
immediate  connection  with  an  appositive  participle  that  has 
been  turned  into  an  A.-S.  finite  verb  (6) : — 

NSM.  (5) : — 93.  6  :  Hit  is  awriten  ftset  he  scolde  inn- 
gongende  &  utgongende  beforan  Gode  to  'Sam  halignessum 
beon  gehiered  his  sueg,  -Sylses  he  swulte  =  62b :  Scriptum 
quippe  est :  "  Ut  audiatur  sonitus,  quando  ingreditur  et  egre- 
ditur  sanctuarium  in  conspectu  Domini,  et  non  moriatur." — 
151.  24:  he  hit  him  -§eah  suigende  gessede  =  110a:  et  hoc 
ipsum  tamen,  quia  tacuerit,  dixit.  [Just  before  this,  however, 
occurs  tacens  et  quasi  non  videns]. — 369.  4  :  siofgende  cwse-S 
=  286a :  queritur  dicens. — 315.  23:  ftreatigende  cwseS  = 
244a :  redarguit  dicens. 

NPM.  (1): — 215.  7:  unwillende  =  162a :  quae  non  appe- 
tunt. 


170  MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    JR. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
gerund  in  the  ablative  (18)  : — 

'  NSM.  (13):— 101.  14:  &  eft  bine  selfne  ofdune  astig- 
gende  be  cu$e  geruetgian  bis  bieremo[n]num  =  70a :  quia 
noverat  eumdem  se  auditoribus  condescendendo  teraperare. — 
379.  19  :  ftaette  be  eac  cigende  &  kerende  o$re  'Sider  tio  & 
laSige  ftider  be  getogen  bi3  =  294b :  Ut  .  .  .  illuc  etiam 
clamando  alios  quo  ipse  rapitur  trabat. — Other  examples  : — 
27.  21  :  geSaJiende  =  8a :  permittendo  ;  127.  6:  oliccende  = 
88b:  demulcendo ;  49.  20  and  81.  10:  sprecende  =  26b  and 
54a :  loquendo  ;  123.  21  :  stirende  =  86a :  corrigendo ;  127.  7  : 
Krealigende  =  88b :  terrendo  ;  383.  8  :  ib.  =  298a :  incre- 
pando;  295.  12  and  297.  15  :  wandigende  =  222b  and  224b : 
parcendo  ;  81.  11:  ivyrcende  =  54a  :  osfendendo. 

NSN.  (1) :— 433.  6  :  Suet  is  3«et  bit  [==  mod]  «a  gedonan 
unbeawas  sivincende  gebete,  &  ba  ungedonan  foreboncelice 
becierre  =  358a :  ut  et  praesentia  laborando  subjiciat,  et 
contra  futura  certamina  prospiciendo  convalescat. 

NPM.  (4):— 439.  15:  -Saet  hi  ongiten  fecdlende  "Sset  hie 
ser  hiora  agnes  Nonces  ne  stodon  =  364b :  et  cadendo  discunt 
non  fuisse  propria m  quod  steteriint. — Other  examples  : — 91. 
22:  hlydende  =  62a :  clamando;  345.  22:  ofermodgiende  = 
266b :  superbiendo ;  101.  21:  upsceawiende  =  70a:  contem- 
plando. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
gerund  in  the  genitive  (1) : — 

NPM.  (1):— 191.  4:  Sset  hie  wel  libben[de]  gode  bisene 
astellen  'Saem  "Se  him  underSiedde  sien  =  142a:  discant  .  .  . 
isti  quomodo  etiam  commissis  sibi  exempla  bene  vivendi 
exterius  praebeant. 

5.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
prepositional  phrase  (7) : — 

NSM.  (4) :— 397.  27,  28 :  Ne  cwe"So  ic  no  ^set  Kset  ic  jer 
cwae-5  bebeodende,  ac  Imrende  &  geSajigende  =  31 6a :  Hoc 
autem  dico  secundum  indulgentiam  non  secundum  imperium; 
253.  6  :  geomriende  =  192* :  in  dolore. 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       171 

NSN.  (1) :— 417.  1 1  :  geKafigende  =  338b :  ex  deliberatione. 

NPM.  (2) : — 415.  6  :  Wuton  cuman  8er  his  dome  andet- 
tende  (or  pred.  ?)  =  336a:  Praeveniamus  faciem  Domini  in 
confessione  ;  123.  16:  weaxamde  =  286a :  ad  inter  Hum. 

6.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
substantive  in  the  ablative  of  manner  or  of  means  (6) : — 

NSM.  (4): — 415.  18:  &  he  Sa  hi  svva  unrote  oleccende 
to  him  geloccode  =  336b :  tristemque  blanditiis  delinivit. — 
Other  examples: — 53.  16:  egesiende  —  30a :  terroribus ;  53. 
16  :  hiertende  =  30a :  favor ibus  ;  379.  23  :  hreowsigende  = 
294b :  magua  voce  pcenitentiae. 

NPM.  (2) : — 185.  7 :  is  cynn  Ssette  we  for  hira  modes  hselo 
olicende  hi  on  smyltnesse  gebringen  mid  ure  spraece  =  138* : 
dignum  est,  ut  ad  salutem  mentis  quasi  dulcedine  citharae 
locutionis  nostrae  tranquilitate  revocetur;  117.  17:  suigende 
=  82a :  tacita  cogitatione. 

7.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adverb  (1)  : — 

NPM.  (1)  : — 381.  25  :  ...  Godes  Segnas,  $a  Se  unwandi- 
ende  Sara  scyldegena  gyltas  ofslogen  =  296b :  qui  delinquen- 
tium  scelera  incunctanter  ferirent  (or  pure  adverb?). 

8.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
infinitive  (3) : — 

NSM.  (2) : — 403.  6  :  ForSsem  se  fte  hine  selfne  maran 
godes  behset,  &  Sonne  forlaet  3a  maran  god,  &  went  hine  to 
Ssem  lsessum,  Sonne  bi$  hit  swutol  Sset  he  bift  fromlociende 
oferswi"Sed  =  322a :  Iui  igitur  fortiori  studio  intenderat,  retro 
convincitur  respicere,  si  relictis  amplioribus  bonis  adminima 
retorquetur. — 61.  3  :  Se  Isece  biS  micles  to  beald  &  to  scom- 
leas  Se  gseS  asfter  oSra  monna  husum  lozenigende  (or  pred.?), 
&  hsefS  on  his  agnum  nebbe  opene  wunde  unlacnode  =  36a : 
Si  ergo  adhuc  in  ejus  opere  passiones  vivunt,  qua  prresumtione 
percussum  mederi  proprat,  qui  in  facie  vulnus  portat? 

NPM.  (1):— 297.  4:  Sua,  -Sonne  Sonne  hatheortan  hie 
mid  nane  foreSonce  nyllaS  gestillan,  ac  sua  wedende  folgiaS 
hwam  sua  sua  Assael  dyde  ^fnere,  &  naefre  nyllaS  gesuican, 


172  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

•Sonne  is  micel  -Searf  etc.  =  224a :  Sed  cum  iracundi  nulla 
consideratione  se  mitigant,  et  quasi  Asael  persequi  et  insanire 
non  cessant ;  necesse  est  etc. 

9.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
substantive  in  the  nominative  (1) :  — 

NSM.  (1): — 207.  22:  ForSaern  he  sprsec  "Sas  word  $e  he 
wolde  'Sara  scamleasna  scylda  tcelende  geopenian  ==  156a:  ut 
et  illorum  culpas  increpatio  dura  detegeret. 

10.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  corre- 
spondence (3) : — 

NSM.  (3) : — 185.  9  :  seresft  mon  sceal  sprecan  asciende. — 
153.  5  :  Ac  Sonne  se  lareow  ieldende  seeS  ftone  timan  etc. — 
39.  16  :  suigende  he  cwarS. 

II.   With  an  Object  (2). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (1)  : — 

NSM.  (1) :— 99.  4  :  &  Ssette  hie  [Cotton  MS. :  he]  sua  hea- 
licra  "Singa  wilnigende  ne  forsio  his  niehstan  untrume  &  scyldige 
=  68a  :  ne  aut  altapetens  proximorum  infirma  despiciat. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
gerund  in  the  ablative  (1) : — 

NPM.  (1) : — 171.  13:  ©set  is  "Sonne  $set  mon  -Sa  earce 
bere  on  "Saem  saglum,  ftsette  "Sa  godan  lareowas  "Sa  halgan 
gesomnunge  Icerende  $a  niwan  &  $a  ungeleaffullan  mod  mid 
hire  lare  gelsede  [sic/]  to  ryhturn  geleafan  =  126a:  Vectibus 
quippe  arcam  portare,  est  bonis  doctoribus  sanctam  Ecclesiam 
ad  rudes  infidelium  mentes  praedicando  deducere.  [Cotton 
MS.  has  beofo  Icerende.] 


B.— THE   PRETERITE   PARTICIPLE   (24). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (23). 

1.   An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (11) : — 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.       173 

NSM.  (4) : — 443.  22 :  Ac  3a  he  swa  gebreged  on  eorftan 
feoll,  &  acsode,  &  cwseft  etc.  =  370.b  Nam  cum  prostratus, 
requireret,  dicens. — Other  examples  : — 135.  23  :  gehefegad  and 
ofersutiSed  =  96b  :  victam  ;  51 .  1  :  unchvnsod  =  26  b  :  non 
purgatus. 

NPF.  (1): — 153.  1:  Ac  monige  scylda  openlice  witene 
beoS  to  forberanne  =  110a:  Nonnulla  autem  vel  aperte  cog- 
nita,  mature  toleranda  sunt. 

NPN.  (2) : — 245.  8  :  Hwset  getacniaS  -Sonne  3a  truman 
ceastra  butan  hwurfulu  mod,  getrymedu  and  ymbtrymedu  mid 
lytelicre  ]adunge?=  184b:  Quid  enim  per  civitates  munitas 
exprimitur,  nisi  suspectae  mentes  et  fallaci  semper  defensione 
circumdatae  f 

DPM.  or  N.  (1): — 155.  10:  Sonne  he  ongiet  be  sumum 
■Singum  oSSe  Seawum  utanne  odiewdum  eail  3a?t  hie  innan 
•Sencea-S  =  112a :  qui  discussis  quibusdam  signis  exterius 
apparentibus  ita  corda  subditorum  penetrat  ut  etc. 

ASM.  (2) : — 383.  32 :  gif  mon  on  niwne  we[a]ll  unadru- 
godne  &  unastv&odne  micelne  hrof  &  hefigne  onsett,  Sonne 
etc.  =  300a :  quod  structuris  recentibus  necdum  solidatis  si 
tignorum  pondus  superponitur  etc. 

ASN.  (1):— 403.  20:  "Sget  hi  hit  huru  tobrocen  gebeten  = 
322b :  bona  .  .  .  saltern  scissa  resarciant. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
prepositional  phrase  (2) : — 

NPM.  (1) :— 227.  25:  Se  .  .  .  gefeohtaS  &  eft  innan  hira 
burgum  f»ste  belocene  Surh  hiera  giemelieste  hie  Ia3ta3  ge- 
bindan  =  172b:  qui  victores  sunt,  sed  per  negligentiam 
postmodum  intra  urbis  daustra  capiuntur. 

NPF.  (1): — 407.  30:  forSsem  gif  hie  geSenceaft  Sara 
gessel^a  3e  him  uvgeendode  sefter  Sasm  geswincum  becuman 
sculon  =  328a :  Si  enim  attendatur  felicitas  quae  sine  transitu 
attingitur. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
ablative  of  manner  or  of  cause  (1)  : — 

3 


174  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

NPM.  (1) : — 435.  2  :  gif  hi  ferlecor  syngoden  unbeftohte  = 
360a :  si  in  his  sola  prcecipitatione  cecidissent. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
dative  of  cause  (1 ) : — 

NPM.  (1):— 109.  23:  Hie  sculon  forSy  ofdrced[de]  .  .  . 
licgean  astreahte  etc.  =  76a :  quia  videlicet  etc.  ex  ea  debent 
etiara  formidini  jacere  substrati. 

5.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adverb  (2) : — 

NPM.  (2): — 117.  23:  ...  sua  ...  sua  we  for  monnum 
orsorglicor  ungewitnode  syngiaS  =  82a :  Tanto  .  .  .  quanto 
apud  homines  inulte  peccarnus. — 137.  19:  Ungeniedde,  mid 
eowrum  agenum  willau,  ge  sculon  ftencean  =  98b :  non  coade, 
sed  spontanee  etc.     [Or  are  both  pure  adverbs?]. 

6.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  loosely  corresponds  to  a 
Latin  substantive  in  the  nominative  (2)  : — 

NPM.  (2):— 302.  10:  unmidlode  and  aKundene  =  228b : 
effrenatio  etc. 

7.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adjective  (2) : — 

NSM.  (2) : — 227.  21  :  &  he  -Sonne  sua  gebunden  .  .  .  sargaft 
etc.  =  172b:  ut  plerumque  vir  patiens  .  .  .  captivus  erube- 
scat;  317.  12:  unge&ingod  =  244b :  repentina  (or  pure  ad- 
verb ?). 

8.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  corre- 
spondence (2) : — 

NPM.  (1): — 105.  1:  .  .  .  clrenran  ftonne  hie  .  .  .  wseren, 
mid  -Seem  tearum  -Sara  gebeda  afiwcegen. 
DPF.  (1) :— 343.  8  :    sehtum  gereafodu[m~\. 

II.    With  an  Object  (1). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
substantive  in  the  accusative  (1)  : — 

ASM.  (1):— 197.  20:  hit  no  gedsefenlic  nsere  $8et  hie 
slogon  Gode  gehalgodne  kyning  =  148a :   fregit  eos  responsi- 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      175 

onibus,  quia  manum  mittere  in  Christum  Domini  non  deberet 
(or  attrib.  ?). 

OROSIUS1  (21). 

A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (16). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (14). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (4)  : — 

NSM.  (2) :— 200.  32  :  he  him  wepende  (Ssere  bene)  ge- 
tyg'Sade,  for  $on  -be  (he)  sceolde  Italiam  forlsetan  =  201.  30  : 
flens  reliquit  Italiam  ;  240.  9  :  ivepende  maeude  fta  unare  = 
241.  8  :   deplorans  injurias. 

NSF.  (2) :— 12.  32,  33  :  &  Sonne  forS  Sonan  west  irnende 
heo  toli3  on  twa  ymb  an  igland  -3e  mon  hset  Meroen,  &  -Sonan 
norb  bugende  ut  on  bone  Wendelsse  =  13.  20,  22  :  deinde  diu 
ad  occasum  profluens,  faciensque  insulam  nomine  Meroen  in 
medio  sui :  novissime  ad  septentrionem  inflexus  .  .  .  plana 
.iEgypti  rigat. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
substantive  (2) : — 

NSM.  or  N.  (2) :— 166.  17,  18  :  segSer  ge  he(self)  wepende 
hamweard  for,  ge  ftset  folc  Saet  him  ongean  com,  eall  hit  him 
wepende  hamweard  folgade  =  167.  8  :  ...  ad  cujus  conspec- 
tum  plangentium  junguntur  agmina. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adjective  (2) : — 

NSM.  (2)  : — 294.  1 1 :  hiene  si'S^an  mid  rapum  be  -Seeni 
sweoran  up  aheng,  gelicost  ftsern  $e  he  hiene  self(ne)  unwitende 
hsefde  awierged  =  295.  8  :  strangulatus,  atque  ut  voluntariam 
sibi  conscivisse  mortem  putaretur,  laqueo  suspensus  est  (notice 
the  mistranslation) ;   40.  18  :  fieonde  =  41.  16  :  profugum. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  correspond- 
ence (6) : — 


176  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

NSM.  (4)  :— 178.  24  :  searigende  ;  unwitende :  248. 14,  250. 
12;    140.  7:  ivitende. 

ASM.  (1) :— 258.  12  :  slcependne. 
APM.  (1):— 200.  21  :  fleonde. 

II.    With  an  Object  (2). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (1) : — 

NPM.  (1) : — 32.  21  :  geforan  RoSum  3set  igland,  ivilniende 
•Saet  hi  selcum  gewiune  oftflogen  hsefdon  =  33.  19:  credentes 
quod  se  .  .  .  abstraherent,  Rhodutn  insulam  .  .  .  ceperunt. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  corre- 
spondence (1) : — 

NSM.  (1) : — 52.  27  :  sona  $8es  folces  ftone  msestan  dsel 
fleonde  mid  ealle  forlsedde  \dcel  seems  to  be  the  object  of 
forlcedde  as  well  as  of  fleonde]. 


B.  —  THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (5). 

I.    Without  an  Object  (5). 

1.  Au  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (2) : — 

NPF.  (1) : — 14.  18  :  -Sees  landes  is  xliii  [sic]  Seoda,  wide 
tosetene  for  unwsestmbsernesse  'Sees  londes  =  15.  20 :  gentes 
sunt  quadraginta  duae,  propter  terrarum  infsecundam  diffu- 
sionem  late  oberrantes. 

ASN.  (1): — 168.  14:  swa  he  hit  him  eft  ham  bebead  on 
anum  brede  awriten  etc.  =  169. 10:  .  .  .  per  tabel las  scriptas 
etc. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
prepositional  phrase  (1): — 

DPF.  &  M.  (1):— 88.  13:  ^Efter  Ssem  wass  an  ger  full 
ftiet  ofer  eall  Romana  rice  seo  eorSe  wtes  cwaciende  &  berstende 
&  alee  dsege  mon  com  unarimedlice  oft  to  (-(Saem)  senatum,  & 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE    IN   ANC4LO-SAXON.      177 

him  ssedon  from  burgum  &  from  tunum  on  eorSan  besuncen  = 
89.  10 :  Per  totum  fere  annum  tarn  crebri,  tamque  etiam 
graves  in  Italia  terrae-motus  fuerunt,  ut  de  innumeris  quassa- 
tionibus  ac  minis  villarum  oppidorurnque  assiduis  Roma 
nuntiis  fatigaretur. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  corres- 
pondence (2) : — 

NPM.  (2): — 92.  30:  bewopene;   250.  14:  ungeniedde. 

II.    With  an  Object  (0). 
No  example. 

PSALMS,   THORPE    (24). 
A.— THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (20). 

I.    Without  an  Object  (7). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1) : — 17.  3  :  herigende  ic  clypige  to  Se,  Drihten  = 
laudans  invocabo  Dominum. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
prepositional  phrase  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1)  :  —  50  Int.  (=  Introduction)  :  hreowsiende  =. 
Bruce  93 :  Sub  occasione  poenitentiae. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
gerund  in  the  genitive  (2) : — 

NSM.  (2): — 34  Int.142:  ma  ivitgiende,  3onne  wyrgende 
oS3e  wilniende  =  Bruce  86  :  non  malevolentia  optandi,  sed 
praescientia  prophetandi. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
substantive  in  the  ablative  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1)  : — 34  Int.3 :  wyrgende  =  Bruce  86  :  malevolentia. 

5.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  corre- 
spondence (2)  : — 

NSM.  (2) : — 30  Int. :  gebiddende  to  ;  5.7:  hopiende  to. 


178  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

II.   With  an  Object  (13). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
absolute  clause  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1) :— 38  Int. : — seofigende  =  Bruce  87  :  Angentibus 
.  .  .  moeroribus. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adverbial  phrase  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1)  :— 34  Int. :  siojigende  =  Bruce  85  :  Occasione 
cerumnarum  suarum. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  equiva- 
lent (11)  :— 

NSM.  (11): — 37  Int.:  andettende ;  28  Int.:  bebeodende; 
33  Int. :  gehatende ;  39  Int. :  gylpende;  32  Int. :  herigende 
(cf.  17.  3,  where  herigende  =  laudans) ;  47  Int.  :  mycliende  ; 
37  Int. :  seofigende,  ib.  43  Int. ;  32  Int. :  ftanciende,  ib.  45 
Int. ;    31  Int. :  wundriende. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE   (4). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (4). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (2) : — 

APF.  (2)  : — 44.  15  :  beslepte  and  gegyrede  =  circumamicta. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
prepositional  phrase  (1)  : — 

ASN.  (1)  : — 20.  3  :  astcened  =  de  lapide. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adjective  (1) : — 

DSN.  (1) : — 41  Int. :  folce  gehceftum  etc.  =  Bruce  89  :  po- 
pulus  captivus  etc. 

II.   With  an  Object  (0). 
No  example. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.       179 

THE    CHRONICLE*    (46). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (13). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (9). 

NSM.  (2):— 1097  Ea&b  (p.  233b)  :  Da  uppon  sancte 
Michaeles  maessan  iiii°N°  October  setywde  an  selcuft  steorra 
on  sefen  scynende  &  sona  to  setle  gangende  (or  pred.  ?). 

NPM.  (7):— 1069Da'b-c  (p.  204m)  :  &  heora  com  Saer 
togenes  Eadgar  cild  &  WaldSeof  eorl  &  Mserleswegen  & 
Gospatric  eorl  mid  NorSymbrum  &  ealle  3a  land  leoden 
ridende  &  gangende  (or  both  pred.?)  mid  unmsetan  here 
swrSe  fcegengende  &  swa  ealle  anrsedlice  to  Eoferwic  foron. — 
1075  Dab  (p.  210m) :  ac  he  sylf  &  his  ferestan  menn  ferdon 
eft  ongean  to  Scotlande,  sume  hreowlice  on  fotan  gangende  & 
sume  earmlice  ridende  (or  both  pred.?). — 1123  E  (p.  251'): 
&  riden  "Seer  sprecende  (or  pred.  ?).  Da  aseh  dune  se  biscop 
etc. — 1086  Ea  (p.  21 8b)  :  &  twegen  halige  menn  3e  hyrsu- 
medon  Gode  on  ancersettle  wuniende  ftser  wseron  forbearnde. 

II.   With  an  Object  (4). 

NSM.  (1)  :— 1087  E  (p.  223m)  :  Das  Sing  geseonde  se 
arwurfta  biscop  Wlstan  wearS  swiSe  gedrefed  on  his  mode. 

NPM.  (1) : — 1083  E :  &  sume  crupon  under  &  gyrne 
cleopedon  to  Gode,  his  miltse  biddende. 

ASN.  (2) :— 656  Eb  (p.  33fc) :  seo  papa  seonde  $a  his  writ, 
•Sus  cwceftend:  Ic  Uitalianus  papa  etc. — Cf.  675  E  (p.  35b) : 
And  seo  papa  seonde  $a  his  ge write  to  Englalande,  "3 us 
cweftende. 

Note:  Latin  Participles  in  The  Chronicle. — Several  instances 
of  a  Latin  appositive  participle  occur  in  the  Chronicle  but  are 
not  translated  into  A. -S. :  431  E  :  apparens;  625  E :  constans. 

*The  superior  letters  outside  the  parenthesis  distinguish  the  several 
examples  of  the  same  year ;  those  inside  the  parenthesis  are  explained  by 
Plummer. 


180  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

B.— THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (33). 

1.    Without  an  Object  (33). 

NSM.  (12):— 1104  E  (p.  2391):  on  5am  Tiwsesdsege  "Seer 
setter  retywdan  feower  circulas  to  Sam  middrege  onbutan 
•Saere  sunnan  Invites  hivves,  selc  under  oSran  gcbroiden 
swylce  hi  gemette  vvseron. — 50  F :  Her  Paulus  gebunden 
wearS  gesend  to  Rome  (or  pred.  ?). — 755  F  :  &  Sibertes 
broSer,  Cynehard  gehaten,  ofsloh  Cynewulf  on  Merantune. 
So:  604  A  (or  pred.?),  777  E,  1 130* E.— -Other  examples:— 
1118  E  and  1127  Eb:  gewundod ;  1154  E:  luued  (or  post- 
positive attrib. ?);  3  A:  ofsticod;  1086  Eb:  ungederad  (or 
pred.  ?) ;  1048  E  :  unswican  (or  pred.  ?). 

NSN.  (1):— 1127Ea  (p.  256b):  Saar  wses  se  Scotte  kyng 
Dauid  &  eall  fta  heaued  leered  <&  laauued  'Sset  wses  on  Engle- 
land.     [May  be  considered  plural  as  by  Plummer.] 

NPM.  (15):— 1066  Da-b-°  (p.  199m):  Sa  Engliscan  hi 
hindan  hetelice  slogon  o^  'Sset  hig  sume  to  scype  coman, 
sume  adruncen  &  sume  e&cforbcernde  &  swa  mislice/or/wmie, 
ftset  ftser  wses  lyt  to  lafe. — Other  examples  : — gehadode  : 
995  F,  1012  E,  1095  E,  1102  E;  449  A  :  geleaXade;  1083 
Ea:  gewepnede  (or  pred.?);  hadode:  1014  E,  1023  D,  1046  E 
(manig  mann  Sserto  ge  hadode  ge  lsewede) ;  1096  E  :  hunger- 
bitene ;  911  A:  unbefohtenene  (or  pred.?);  1070  E  :  wep- 
node. 

GSM.  (1) : — 1100  E  (p.  235b) :  selces  mannes  gehadodes  & 
laewedes. 

GPM.  (1) :— 656  Ea  (p.  29b):  be  his  broSre  rad  .  .  .  &  be 
al  his  gewiten  read,  leered  &  lawed,  'Se  on  his  kynerice  wseron. 

DSM.  (1):— 1053CC:  se  Wulfwi  feng  to  Sam  biscoprice 
"Se  Ulf  hrefde  be  him  libbendum  &  ofadrcefdum. 

ASN.  (2)  : — 992  EaAb :  &  "Sset  scip  genamon  eall  gevmpnod 
&  gewcedod. 

II.   With  an  Object  (0). 
No  example. 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       181 

Note. — As  the  examples  show,  in  many  instances  the  parti- 
ciples (both  present  and  preterite)  above  cited  from  the 
Chronicle  are  in  immediate  juxtaposition  with  intransitive 
verbs  like  oetiewan  and  far  an ;  hence  even  more  examples 
than  those  queried  may  be  predicative  rather  than  appositive. 


THE    LAWS    (19). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (4). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (3). 

ASM.  (1) : — Ine,  c.  35  :  Se  $e  beof  slihb,  he  mot  abe  ge- 
cySau,  3set  he  hine  fleondne  for  beof  sloge. 

ASN.  (2):— Cnut  n.,  c.  24,  Int,a&b:  nan  Singe  .  .  .  ne 
libbende  ne  licgende. 

Note:  Accusative  Compounds. — Three  accusative-compound 
participles  occur  in  the  Laws  : — Ine,  c.  -15  :  Burg-bryce  mon 
sceal  betan  .  .  .  gesibcundes  monnes  kmdhcebbendes  xxxv ; 
and  Ine,  c.  51a&b:  Gif  gesibcund  mon  landagende  forsitte 
fierd,  geselle  cxx  scill.  and  ftolie  his  landes ;  unlandagende 
lx  scill.  As  the  examples  show,  however,  the  participles  are 
used  attributively  rather  than  appositively. 

II.    With  an  Object  (1). 

NSM.  (1) : — Wihtrsed,  c.  18  :  Preost  hine  clsensie  sylfa3s 
sobe,  in  his  halgurn  hraegle  aetforan  wiofode,  bus  cweftende: 
"  Ueritatem  dico  Christo,  non  mentior." 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (15). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (15). 

NSM.  (1): — Ine,  c.  39:  Gif  hwa  fare  unaliefed  fram  his 
hlaforde  (MS.  B.  has  unalyfede,  which  is  perhaps  a  pure 
adverb). 


182  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

NSN.  (2) :— Cnut  IL,  c.  71,  §  4a&b :  twa  hors,  I.  gesadelod 
and  ofter  ungesadelod. 

NPM.  (2) :— iEthelred  VII.,  Appendix,  §  7  :  ealle  .  .  .  ge- 
hadode  and  lsewede  ;  Wihtrsed,  c.  4  :  ungestrodyne. 

NPN.  (4)  :— Cnut  il,  c.  71,  Introduction  :  $aet  syndon 
viii.  hors,  IV.  gesadelode  &  IV.  unsadelode. — So  gesadelode 
and  unsadelode  in  Cnut  II.,  c.  71,  §  la&b. 

GPM.  (1) :— Eadraund  IL,  Introduction  :  mid  minra  witena 
geSeahte,  ge  hadedra  ge  lsewedra. 

DSM.  (2):— Ine,  c.  18,  title:  Be  cirliscura  Seofe  gefonge- 
num  ;  Ine,  c.  20,  title :  Be  feorran  cumenum  men  butan  wege 
gemetton  [MS.  H. :  gemetturri]. 

DSN.  (2)  :— Alfred,  c.  10,  title  :  Be  twelfhyndes  monnes 
wife  forlegenum;  iElfred,  c.  9,  title:  Be  bearneacnum  wife 
ofsloegenum  [MS.  B :   Be  Sam  Sset  man  ofslea  wif  mid  cilde]. 

ASM  (1):— Alfred,  c.  35,  §  4 :  Gif  he  hine  to  preoste 
bescire  unbundenne. 


II.    With  an  Object  (0). 
No  example. 

BENEDICT1    (72). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (63). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (25). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (12) : — 

NSM.  (3) :— 2.  18  :  and  «us  acsiende  cwy$  =  4.  21  :  Et 
quaerens  Dominus  .  .  .  iterum  dicit. — Other  examples : — 
47.  16:  arisende  =88.  17:  surgentes ;  52.  9:  wuniende  mid 
upaliefednesse  =  98.  2  :  elatus. 

NPM.  (9) : — 47.  12  :  hy  butan  elcunge  arisende  caflice 
gehwylc  o^erne  forestseppe  and  to  "Sam  Godes  weorce  efste  = 
88.  13  :  absque  mora  surgentes  festinent. — Other  examples  : — 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.       183 

62.  15b:  drincende  =  118.  2:  bibentibus ;  62.  15a:  etende  = 
118.  1:  comedentibus  ;  134.  17*:  libbende  =  231.  8:  mcfi- 
to?i^s;  135.  23b*:  sittende  =  231.  36:  seeZewtes;  138.  2*: 
Kurhwuniende  =  233.  22  :  persistentes  ;  louniende  (fram)  = 
remoti,  134.  18*  =  231.  11  ;  =  stantes,  135.  23a*  =  231.  35  ; 
137.  14*  :  wyrcende  =  233.  6  :  operantes. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
finite  verb,  which  finite  verb  is  usually  subordinate  or  in 
immediate  connection  with  an  appositive  participle  (3) : — 

NSM.  (2):— 133.  13:  Swa  hwylc  swa  onettende  efst  to 
■Sam  heofonlican  eSle,  gefreme  aerest  =  206.  11  :  Quisquis 
ergo  ad  patriam  ccelestem  festinas  .  .  .  perfice ;  68.  14  :  hreou- 
sigende  =  128.  20  :  pceniteat. 

NPM.  (1): — 68.  21:  wen  is,  Saet  sume  o$$e  sleaclice 
lagon  and  slepon,  ofrSe  sittende  mid  idelre  spel lunge  deofle  to 
micelne  forwyrdes  intingan  gesealden  =  130.  4 :  erit  forte 
talis  qui  se  aut  recollocet  et  dormiat,  aut  certe  sedeat  sibi 
foris,  vel  fabulis  vacet,  et  detur  occasio  maligno. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
ablative  of  manner  or  of  means  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1) : — 71.  7  :  butan  he  -Sserrihte  beforan  eallum  hine 
dcedbetende  geeaSmede^  134.  15  :  nisi  satisfadione  ibi  coram 
omnibus  humiliatus  fuerit. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adjective  (1)  :  — 

NPM.  (1) : — 9.  23 :  sefre  unstaftolfseste  and  woriende  = 
16.  9  :  semper  vagi  et  numquam  stabiles. 

5.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
prepositional  phrase  (1) : — 

NPM.  (1): — 9.  7:  geleornia-S  Sset  hie  anstandonde  .  .  . 
ongean  deofol  .  .  .  winnan  magan  =  14.  4  :  et  beni  instructi 
.  .  .  jam  sine  consolatione  alterius  .  .  .  contra  vitia  pugnare 
sufficiunt. 

*A11  starred  references  are  to  the  Appendix  of  Benedict1. 


184  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

6.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  corre- 
spondence (7) : — 

NSM.  (4) :— 31.  14  :  geomriende  clypude  =  58.  13  ;  24.  6  : 
smeagende  gehealde  =  46.  24;  4.  15c:  tremegende=  8.  21  ; 
60.  1  :  cwe'Se  .  .  .  "Sanciende  =  112.  3. 

NPM.  (3) :— 132.  1  :  betende  =  204.  3  ;  2.  10  :  elciende  = 
4.  15;  135.  6:  swindende  =  231.  20. 

II.   With  an  Object  (38). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (25) : — 

NSM  (11): — 22.  15:  wiS  <5one  unSeaw  hine  bewarode  se 
witega,  5us  cweftende  =  44.  16  :  quod  se  cavere  Propheta  in- 
dicat,  dicens. — So  civeftende  =  dicens :  4.  7  =  8.  13  ;  24.  14  = 
48.  7. — Other  examples  :  26.  14  :  geefenlcecende  =  52.  5  : 
imitans  ;  4.  15:  gefyllende  =  8.  21  :  complens  ;  gehyrende  — 
audiens,  2.  19  =  4.  25,  15.  6  =  26.  17  ;  30.  3  :  healdende  = 
56.  19:  habens;  27.  2:  ne  Icetende  =  52.  10:  sustinens ;  54. 
9:  ondrcedende  =  100.  14:  timens  ;  4.  15a  :  wyrcende  =  8. 
21  :  complens. 

NSF.  (1) : — 2.  9  :  sio  godcunde  stefn  myngaS  and  clypa$, 
$us  cweftende  =  4.  14  :  divina  quotidie  damans  quid  nos  ad- 
moneat  vox  dicens. 

NSN.  (3)  : — 25.  12  :  Be  $am  halig  gewrit  rnona$,  Sus  cwe- 
^ende  =  50. 9 :  Unde  Scriptura  praecipit,  dicens. — So  cweftende 
=  dicens,  27.  19  =  54.  2,  28.  15  =  54.  14. 

NPM.  (10) : — 64.  13  :  we  fteah  manna  untrumnesse  and 
tydernesse  besceawiende  gelyfaS,  $set  etc.  =  122.  5:  Tamen 
infirmorum  contuentes  imbecillitatem,  credimus. — Other  ex- 
amples :  134.  24*  :  ascyriende  =  231.  16  :  remoti ;  135.  27*  : 
begytende  =  232.  2  :  captantes  ;  59.  21  :  bitddende  =  112.  2  : 
postulantes ;  4.3:  clipiende  =  8.  10  :  dicentes ;  70.7:  clypi- 
ende  =  132.  14  :  dicens  ;  3.  14  :  cweftende  =  6. 17  :  dicentes  ; 
11.8:  forhogiende  =  18.  21  :  contemnentes ;  27.  22  :  gefyllende 
=  54.  5  :  adimplentes  ;   87.  5  :  secgende  =  154.  7  :  dicens. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.       185 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
finite  verb,  which  finite  verb  generally  is  subordinate  or  is  in 
immediate  connection  with  an  appositive  participle  (7) : — 

NSM.  (6) : — 25.  10  :  clypiende  =  50.  3  :  elicit;  cweftende  = 
dicat,  11.6  =  18.  18,  26.  2  =  50.  20 ;  ib.  =  ait,  21.9  =  42. 
8  ;  ib.  =  dicit,  51.  14  =  96.  9  ;  ib.  =  dicant,  82.  24  (Wells 
Fragment)  =  1 52.  5. 

NSN.  (1) :— 22.  10  :  clypiende  =  44.  12  :  clamed. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
prepositional  phrase  (1) : — 

NPM.  (1) : — 134.  13*  :  Se .  .  .  westestowa  and  selsetu  and 
anwunung  gelufiaft  geejenlcecende  Elian  etc.  =  231.  6:  ad, 
imitationem  scilicet  Eliae. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  equiva- 
lent (5)  :— 

NSM.  (2) :— 4.  10  :  clypiende  =  8.  16  ;  101.  6  :  fcestniende 
=  166.  16. 

NPM.  (3): — 131.  15:  awyrpende  (MS.  F. :  awyrpen)  = 
204.  1  ;  6.  1  :  geefenlcecende  =12.  2  ;  138.  8  :  Kicggende  = 
233.  27. 


B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (9). 
I.    Without  an  Object  (8). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (2) : — 

NSM.  (2):— 2.  3:  gegremed  =  4.  6:  irritatus ;  28.  2: 
geondead  =  angaritia  :  7.  54. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
gerundive  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1); — 34.  2:  Eefter  bam  fylige  capitel  of  -Ssera 
apostola  lare  gemyndelice  butan  bee  gesced  =  64.  7  :  Lectio 
sequatur,  ex  corde  recitanda. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adjective  (2) : — 


186  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

NPM.  (2) : — 44.  22aib :  eala  'Seer  we  asolcene  and  aivacode 
on  anre  wucan  gelsesten  =  82.  26:  quod  nos  tepidi  utinam 
septimana  integra  persolvamus. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  equiva- 
lent (3)  :— 

NSM.  (1) :— 28.  6  :  geneadod  =  54.  9  (cf.  28.  2,  where 
geneadod  =  angariati). 

NPM.  (2):— 11.  16a&b:  getrymede  and  anbryrde  =  20.  5. 

II.   With  an  Object  (1). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (1)  : — 

DPM.  (1) : — 25.  16  :  and  nu  fram  -8am  englum  us  betceh- 
tum  ure  weorc  .  .  .  beoft  gebodude  =  50.  13  :  et  ab  Angelis 
nobis  deputatis  .  .  .  opera  nostra  nuntiantur. 


THE    BLICKLING    HOMILIES    (52). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (36). 

I.    Without  an  Object  (27). 

NSM.  (10) : — 235.  12  :  Ond  3us  cweftende  se  halga  Andreas 
asette  his  heafod  ofer  senne  his  discipula  &  he  onslep. — Other 
examples  : — 133.  17  :  cumende;  193.  8  :  dwolgende  ;  249.  20  : 
efstende  (or  pred.  ?)  ;  113.  29  :  gnomgende  (by  Flamme  classed 
as  pred.  (§  169),  by  Morris  translated  as  appos.) ;  179.  20: 
leogende;  loeiende:  229.  28,  245.  8a,  245.  16;  231.  9  :  %urh- 
wunigende. 

NSF.  (5): — 5.  8a&b:  Gehyron  we  nu  to  hwylcum  gemete 
seo  arwyrSe  fsemne  &  seo  halige,  on  hire  cantice  gefeonde  and 
blissigende,  sang  &  $us  cwseS. — 7.16:  ^set  Maria  .  .  .  smeade 
&  swigende  -Sohte  hwset  seo  halettung  waere.  [Flamme  (§  169. 
2)  classes  swigende  as  pred. ;  but  Morris  correctly  translates  : 
"and  silently  considered."  Swigende  may  be  considered  an 
adverb.]    249.  la  * b :  hrymende,  wepende. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      187 

NSN.  (1) : — 199. 17  :  Da  wses  he  mid  yrre  swrSlice  onstyred, 
forSon  "Se  hit  [=  hrySser]  swa  wedende  eode,  &  swa  ofer- 
modlice  ferde.  [Flamme  (§  169)  classes  wedende  as  pred. ;  but 
Morris  correctly  translates :  "  because  it  had  gone  about  so 
madly  and  had  behaved  so  arrogantly."  Clearly  wedende  is 
coordinate  with  ofermodlice,  and  may  like  it  be  classed  as  an 
adverb.] 

NPM.  (5) : — 225.  17  :  cuma'S  arisende  wulfas,  todrifaS  "Sine 
heorde. — Other  examples: — gefeonde:  201.  10,  203.2  (or 
pred.  ?),  207.  8  (or  pred.  ?) ;    239.  27  :  ingangende. 

NPN.  (1)  : — 243.  5:  and  ingangende  on  %set  carcern  hie 
[=  -Sa  deoflu]  gestodon  on  gesilrSe -Sees  eadigan  Andreas. 

DSM.  (2):— 115.  18a :  we  him  fleondum  fylgeaS.— 245.  3  : 
Bus  gebiddende  -§arn  halgan  Andrea  Drihtnes  stefn  waes  ge- 
worden  on  Ebreisc,  cweSende. 

DPM.  (2):— 171.  lla&b:  swa  him  Drihten  Crist,  eallum 
rihtgelyfdum  mannum  wunigendum  for  his  noman,  &  fturhwu- 
niggendum  in  tintregum  on  so^re  andetnesse  o^  ende  his  lifes 
untweogendlice,  geheht  &  cwseft. 

ASM.  (1):— 115.  18b:  &  hine  feallendne  lufiaS. 

II.   With  an  Object  (9). 

NSM.  (4) : — 239.  22  :  he  gesset  be  Sam  swere  anbidende 
hwaet  him  gelimpan  scolde  (or  pred.  ?) ;  249.  17a&b:  he  ^aer 
wunode  mid  him  seofon  dagas,  Icerende  and  strangende  hira 
heortan  on  geleafan  .  .  .  Cristes. — 57.  7  :  spiwende. 

NSF.  (2) :— cweKende  :  229.  27,  245.  4. 

NPM.  (1)  : — 133.  27  :  Swylce  is  gecwedeu  *Sa3t  hie  ealle  on 
yppan  wunedon,  Sonen  bidende  Sees  Halgan  Gastes. 

NPN.  (1) :— 243.  7  :  hie  [=$a  deoflu]  gestodon  on  gesihSe 
•Sees  eadigan  Andreas,  and  hine  bismriende  mid  myclere 
bismre,  and  hie  cwsedon. 

ASM.  (1) :— 215.  21  :  cweZendne. 


119213 


188  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (16). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (15). 

NSM.  (4):— 89.  34b:  raSe  he  lifgende  ut  eode  of  his 
byrgenne  mid  his  agenre  mihte  aweht. — 87.  36  :  &  befealden 
to  Haelendes  cneowura  he  cwse$. — Other  examples  : — 187. 
28  :  gebeagod ;  225.  33  :  getrymed. 

NSF.  (1) : — 197.  20  :  Donne  is  3a?r  on  neaweste  sum  swiSe 
maere  burh  betwih  Ssere  see  seo  is  nemned  Adriaticus  on  ftsetn 
munte  Garganus  geseted  se  is  haten  Sepontus. 

NPM.  (5) :— 85.  9  :  Hie  $a  swiSe  forhte  &  abregde  $us 
cwsedou. — Other  examples: — 221.  28°:  gegyrede;  221.  28a : 
gesceldode ;  221.  28b :  gesperode  ;   171.  28:  geioeor&ode. 

NPF.  (1) : — 209.  36  :  he  geseah  Sset  on  ftsern  clife  hangodan 
on  Seem  is  gean  bearwum  manige  sweorte  saula  be  heora 
handuni  gebundne.  [Flamme  (§  174.  2)  says  this  wavers 
between  appos.  and  pred.] 

NPN.  (1) : — 127.  33  :  Swylce  eac  syndon  on  ^seremyclan 
cirican  ehta  eagSyrelu  swifte  mycele  of  glsese  geworht. 
[Flamme  (§  173)  thinks  that  geworht  is  possibly  predica- 
tive, but  Morris  translates  it  as  appositive.] 

ASM.  (2) : — 11.  7  :  ArweorSian  we  Crist  on  binne  asetene; 
181.  1 :  beheafdodne. 

APF.  (1) : — 31.  20:  3as  dseda  $us  gedone  from  Drihtne 
(but  the  text  is  corrupt). 

II.   With  an  Object  (1). 

DSF.  (1) : — 197.  6:  se  $e  is  on  ealra  ymbhwyrfte  to 
weorSieune  &  to  wuldrienne  his  ciricean,  gehweSer  ge  his 
agen  geweorc  ge  on  his  naman  gehalgod  (but  the  passage  is 
corrupt). 

Note. — The  text  is  too  corrupt  to  construe  aha/en  in 
115.  32. 


THE   APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.       189 

^ELFRIC'S    HOMILIES,*   THORPE    (676). 
A.— THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (477). 

I.  Without  an  Object  (203). 

NSM.  (90) : — II.  78b :  se  sceaSa  on  hine  gelyfende  his 
synna  geandette.  So:  i.  62bl;  n.  130a6.— n.  132b142:  se 
biscop,  scinende  on  .  .  .  geearnungum  and  .  .  .  geftineSutn,  on 
heofenan  rice,  mid  $am  iElm?  Sc.  on  ecere  blisse  rixiende 
wuldraS.  So  scinende:  I.  466a ;  II.  352a2,  502b1.— Other 
examples: — i.  386a2:  andbidigende  ;  I.  390b3:  arisende;  I. 
226b:  astigende;  n.  I36al  :  awegferende ;  II.  176bl:  bifi- 
gende;  blissigende:  I.  340al&2,  58*0%  596a4i%  II.  426a;  II. 
300bl:  byrnende ;  I.  51 6b :  cnucigende;  I.  124a:  dcedbetende ; 
drohtni(g)ende :  I.  398b,  n.  546bl;  n.  82b:  ehtende ;  fcegnigende: 
I.  596al,  II.  312a3;  ii.  442b:  farende;  feallende:  I.  380b2, 
S90h2;forhtigende:  n.  40%  142b%  176b2;  forSstceppende :  i. 
278a,  500a2,  II.  90al;  n.  360a:  fundigende;  II.  176b4:  #e- 
seonde;  I.  56bl :  gewitende;  I.  410a:  gyddigende ;  II.  246al: 
hajiligende;   hangi(g)ende :    I.    594al,   596b%  II.    256%    260b ; 

I.  380b3:  hreosende;  ir.  302a :  hrymende  (or  pred.  ?);  n. 
152bl:  licgende ;  II.  474b :  lviim.de;  lybbende:  n.  152b% 
364b%  500a2,  502b2;  I.  54b :  miltsigende;  n.  182a2:  <m&e- 
seonde ;  ir.  134a :  plegende ;  I.  294b :  reordigende ;  sittende: 
i.  346a%  548%  ii.  134b%  3S2bl;  II.  500a  x  :  smeagende ;  n. 
138a2:  standende;  suwi(g)ende :  II.  230%  350a2;  I.  480b : 
sweltende ;  I.  338b  2 :  syngigende ;  I.  596b":  iihtende;  truwi- 
(g)ende:  i.  2%  II.  478al;  I.  374a :  -Seofende;  II.  168a3: 
ftrutigende ;  ir.  204b  x :  fturhwunigende ;  ir.  130a3:  under- 
fonde;  ii.  140b3:  unforhtigende ;  II.  164b  :  wedende ;  I.  52b  ; 
weiwillende  (or  adverb?);  wepende:  II.  134b;  writende:  n. 
332b%  348al;  wunigende:  i.  134%  150a2&%  232%  326%  346a% 

II.  142b3,  440%  498bl;  I.  432a :  yrsigende. 

*The  superior  letters  (a  and  6)  refer  respectively  to  the  top  and  the 
bottom  of  the  page;  the  superior  figures  distinguish  the  several  examples. 
4 


190  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

NSF.  (11): — I.  438b1*2:  heo  drohtnode  gemsenelice  mid 
"5am  apostolicum  werode,  injarende  and  uffarende  betwux 
him.— Other  examples  :— I.  98a2:  donde;  I.  146b :  lybbende ; 

I.  66bl:  rarigende;  i.  440al:  smeagende;  I.  564a2:  utflo- 
wende;  wepende:  I.  566bl,  II.  146b;  II.  434b :  writende;  II. 
182b  4 :  wunigende. 

NSN.  (7)  :— i.  372b  2 :  Dast  folc  $a  mid  anre  stemne 
clypigende  cwaeS.  So:  i.  594b2. — Other  examples: — I.  566b2 : 
blissigende;    II.    140a3:    brcestligende ;    II.   450b :    hreosende  ; 

II.  142bl:  sprecende;  I.  296b  :  wunigende. 

NS.  M.  or  F.  (2)  :— i.  546b lk2:  fyligde  heap  .  .  .  manna  .  .  . 
fturhwumgende,  to  Criste  gefteodende. 

NS.  F.  or  N.  (1)  : — I.  324bl :  gecynd  .  .  .  wunigende. 

NPM.  (62):— I.  610a2&3:  Sind  eac  sume  steorran  leoht- 
beamede,  faerlice  arisende  and  hrasdlice  gewitende. — i.  592b  1  * 2 : 
"Sser  ge  symle  blissia^,  blowende  and  mid  Criste  rixigende. 
So  rixigende  in  I.  500b. — Other  examples  :  I.  534b  :  bid- 
dende ;  blissigende:  I.  56b4,  564a/  II.  258a:  bugende ;  I. 
596b4:  clypigende;  II.  454al:  cumende;  I.  68b :  dcedbelende; 
drohtni(g)ende :  I.  536b,  II.   158b2,  296b2,  404a;  dweligende: 

I.  340\  ii.  124b;  feallende:  i.  38b,  560a2,  n.  126b,  214% 
236b,  246bl;  n.  34a2:  feohtende ;  n.  334al :  fleogende ;  i. 
352a :  for^stceppende  ;  II.  130bl :  gelyfende;  I.  46b :  hryrnende; 

II.  138a3:  licgende;  I.  544b2:  lutigende ;  II.  130a4:  lybbende; 
miltsigende:  I.  370a,  540b;  I.  78b2:  nv&erfeallende ;  scinende: 
ii.  136bl,  496a;  I.  606b3:  singende ;  sprecende:  II.  248b, 
284a2;  II.  136b2:  stymende;  II.  21 2b :  suwigende;  sweltende: 
II.  34a3,  554a;  I.  496b2:  syngigende;  I.  606bl:  tcecende ;  I. 
606b2:  tihtende;  I.  84al:  upaspringende ;  I.  334b3:  wcedli- 
gende;  wedende:  I.  50bl,  470a,  II.  232b;  n.  454a2:  wepende; 
wunigende:  I.  150a3,  228b2,  238a,  338a  (cf.  Abs.  Ptc.  inA.-S., 
p.  11),  406a2,  544 bl,  610b,  n.  204b2;  n.  236a :  yrsigende. 

NPN.  (2) :— ii.  336a :  Da  deoflu  feohtende  scuton  heora 
fyrenan  flan  ongean  fta  sawle ; — n.  350b  3 :  hlihhende. 

NP.  M.  or  N.  (1)  : — i.  60a  x :  weras  and  wif .  .  .fcegnigende. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.       191 

GPM.  (2)  : — i.  30b  2 :  wearS  gesewen  micel  raenigu  heofon- 
lices  werodes  God  herigendra  and  singendra  (or  substan- 
tive?).    So:  i.  38a2 

DSM.  (4)  : — I.  494a :  and  clypigendum  Drihtne  to  'Sam 
ecan  life  caflice  geandwyrt  (or  Abs.  ?  Cf.  Abs.  Ptc.  in  A.S., 
p.  10). — i.  324b3 :  to  ftani  geleaffullan  heape,  on  $ysre  worulde 
wunigende. — Other  examples  : — I.  362a :  cumendum  (or  Abs.  ? 
Cf.^L&s.  Ptc,.  inA.-S.,  p.  10);  II.  180bl:  ridendum. 

DPM.  (6) :— ii.  186b  l  &  2 :  cySde  his  forSsrS  on  jer  sumum 
his  leorning-cnihtum  mid  him  drohtnigendum  and  sumum 
o-Srum  on  fyrlenum  stowum  wunigendum. — Other  examples: — 
gelyfendum:  I.  228b,  n.  284a3;  I.  440a2:  onlociendum ;  n. 
284a  4 :  sprecendum. 

DDM.  (1) : — ii.  1 72b  2 :  ue  seteowode  ic  inc  bam  slapendum  f 

ASM.  (4) : — ii.  418a  3- 4- 5 :  underfoh  me  nu  behreowsiendne, 
•Sone  fte  Su  oS  $is  andigendne  and  tcelendne  forbaere;  I. 
496bl:  lutigm.de. 

ASF.  (2) : — i.  376a :  se  dry  worhte  $a  serene  naeddran, 
styrigende  swylce  heo  cucu  wsere;  II.  344a2:  byrnende. 

ASN.  (2)  :— ii.  508b  l :  cwseS  Saet  he  hit  [=  Ireow]  under- 
fenge  feallende  to  foldan. — II.  150a:  licgende. 

APM.  (4):— ii.  246b4:  feallende;  I.  334bl:  licgende;  n. 
154a:  lybbende;  II.  242b2:  sittende. 

APF.  (2)  :— ii.  350b  l  &  2 :  «a  deoflu  geteddon  fif  manna 
sawla,  hreowlice  gnorniende  and  grimetende,  into  'Sam  fyre. 

2.   With  an  Object  (274). 

NSM.  (176) : — u.  142a :  Da  begann  se  wer  dreorig  wepan, 
anftracigende  -Sses  ungelimpes. — II.  188a:  stod  sum  arwurSe 
wer  mid  .  .  .  gyrlurn,  axigende  etc. — II.  164a2:  Benedictus 
.  .  .  taehte  him  3aes  deed  bote,  bebeodende  Saet  etc. — I.  372bl:  Se 
apostol  genealashte  &m  lice  mid  a^enedum  earmum,  -Sus 
biddende.  So:  i.  126al,  418bl,  428al  (w.  gen.),  434b  (ib.), 
452»  (ib.),  456b,  464bl,  598a3,  n.  26a,  110b,  134b3,  138% 
144b3,  180ba,  304a2,  304b,  418al,  498b2  (w.  gen.),  504b2.— i. 


192  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

62":  Johannes  beseah  -Sus  cweSende  (cwctf&ende).  So:  I.  50b2, 
66b3,  78bl&%  88b,  98al,  120a&%  124%  126a,  192b,  206a,  208% 
222b,  242a,  264%  294%  314b,  324b2,  328a,  350b,  358al  &  2,  364% 
366a,  370a,  376b,  380a,  380bl,  390a,  390bl,  404b,  406al,  418b2, 
430%  436b,  442b,  450a,  450b,  480a,  482a,  502b2,  510b2,  520a 
(=dicens),  522a&%  530a,  534a,  538b\  548%  550a2,  560b% 
568a '  &  2,  568b  2,  570%  572b  %  576%  596a  %  600b  \  604b,  606a, 
610a4;  ii.  10%  12%  14%16%34a%52%62a%  72%  84a\  112al&% 
182b%  266%  288%  312b%  328%  384%  400a%  406%  414b%  418a% 
428a%  428%  432%  464%  468a\  538a,  542%  562%  576a.— Other 
examples: — II.  540bl:  belcewende ;  bigende:  II.  298%  408b ; 
II.  184bl:  blissigende;  bodi(g)ende:  I.  370b%  560a%  n.  ISO*1; 
II.  414b  1 :  bysmrigende  (w.  dat.) ;  I.  48a :  clypigende  ;  I.  66  a  2 : 
ferigende  ;  II.  446b  2 :  forbugende  ;  II.  130a  2 :  forhogiende  ;  II. 
168bl :  forhtigende  ;  n.  352a  3 :  fylgende  (w.  dat.) ;  II.  41 8b  1  k  2 : 
geefenlcecende ;  I.  78a 2 :  gehyrende ;  n.  376b  * &  2 :  getacnigende ; 
hcebbende:  I.  126%  130a2;  II.  432b :  herigende ;  Icerende:  I. 
370b2,  596a2;  i.  400bl:  liccetende;  i.  600b2:  manigmde;  n. 
320a :  ofersceawigende ;  II.  446b  l  :  ondrcedende ;  I.  508a  : 
onstandende  (should  be  on  standendef);  reccende :  II.  350a% 
356b ;  I.  388b :  sawende  (or  pred.?);  sceawi(g)ende :  II.  32a% 
120a  3 ;  secende :  i.  338b  1  (or  pred.  ?),  n.  358a  2,  448a ;  I.  596b  3 : 
secgende ;  I.  388al:  secende;  II.  138al:  syngende;  II.  334b  : 
smeagende ;  II.  182a3;  swerigende ;  siouteligende :  II.  400a% 
466a ;  ii.  540b  2 :  teowde;  i!iA^n<i« .-  I.  528a  %  II.  328a ;  II.  326b  x : 
todypigende ;  todcelende :  i.  322b  (w.  dat.),  n.  338b,  344a  l ;  i. 
106b :  towurpende;  II.  I28b:  fteoivigende  (\v.  dat.);  ftreagende: 
ii.  170%  256a2;  i.  608al:  undergynnende ;  n.  346b2:  wtftw- 
^rencZe  (w.  gen.);  writende:  II.  272b3,  364b2;  I.  572bl:  wyr- 
cende. 

NSF.  (16):— ii.  76b:  Seo  endlyfte  tid  bis  seo  forvverode 
ealdnyss,  8am  deafte  genealcecende. — Other  examples: — arozj- 
ni(g)ende :  I.  30b  3,  42b  1  &  2 ;  biddende :  I.  66h  2,  566a  2,  II.  184a  x ; 
cu'eSende:  I.  104%  194%  388a2,  426a%  II.  42%  432b2;  heorc- 
nignxde:  II.  438b  (w.  dat.),  440a2  (*&.).— I.  98a3:  ondrsedende; 
ii.  1 82b  3 :  fteowigende. 


THE   APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.       193 

NSN.  (8)  : — ii.  578b :  folc  ham  gewende,  ftancigende  -Seem 
JElmihtigan  ealra  his  goda. — Other  examples  : — biddende:  I. 
68a3,  II.  140b2;  cweSende:  I.  200a,  594b3,  n.  110a,  114a; 
II.  256b :   ftreagende. 

NS.  M.  or  N.  (1) : — n.  342a :  sang  .  .  .  cweftende  etc. 

NPM.  (61): — I.  38a3:  hi  .  .  .  godum  mammm  sibbe 
bodedon,  swutellice  ceteowiende  3a?t  etc. — Other  examples  : — 
II.  200b :  anbidigende  (vv.  gen.);  II.  548a :  andswariende ; 
befrinende :  I.  78a,  1 04a  (=  dicentes) ;  biddende :  I.  74a,  562b, 
ii.  30b2,  160b2,  176a,  396b,  484a,  486b ;  n.  252bl:  bigende  ; 
bodigende:  ii.  492bl;  ii.  506a :  clypigende ;  cweftende:  i. 
4a,  64a,  68b2,  510bl  (=  dicentes),  538b4,  560b3,  596b5,  n. 
112a3,  172bl,  252b2,  300a,  484b,  488al;  n.  168b2:  cyKende; 
II.  534b2:  drincende ;  II.  492b3:  dweliende  (or  pred.  ?);  II. 
534b  1 :  etende ;  I.  588b  :  ferigende ;  I.  526a :  gadrigende ; 
II.  226b :  geeuenlcecende ;  I.  560a3:  gehyrsumigende  (vv.  dat.); 
I.  90a:  hcebbende;  healdende:  I.  528a2,  538b3;  herigende:  I. 
32a  2,  42b  4 ;  II.  474a  :  leasetende  (or  pred.  ?) ;  mcersigende : 
I.  544a2,  ii.  194b;  n.  248b2:  meldigende  ;  n.  34al:  oferswift- 
ende;  If.  490b2:  onlihtende  ;  II.  248a :  sleande ;  I.  426bl: 
swingende ;  ftancigende  (vv.  dat.  and  gen.):  I.  102a,  606b*,  II. 
272bl;  Keowigende  (vv.  dat.):  n.  70b,  310a;  II.  250* l:  wre- 
gende ;  vmldrigende :  I.  32a,  42b3;  II.  130s5:  wundrigende  (vv. 
gen.) ;  II.  490b  l :  wyrcende. 

NPN.  (4) : — -II.  56b :  iEt  Sam  giftum  waBron  gesette  six 
staenene  vvseterfatu,  healdende  senlipige  twyfealde  gemetu  o$8e 
•Sryfealde. — ii.  548a :  stodon  twa  heofonlice  werod  setforan 
"Saere  cytan  dura,  singende  heofonlicne  sang  (or  pred.?); — 
cweKende:  n.  41 4b3,  41 6a2. 

NP.  M.  or  N.  (1) : — I.  60a2 :  weras  and  wif  .  .  .  cweftende. 

GP.  (2): — I.  30bl:  wearS  gesewen  micel  menigu  heofon- 
lices  werodes  God  herigendra.     So  :  I.  38a  \ 

DPM.  (1): — ii.  440bl:  swa  swa  he  behet  eallum  him 
fteniendum. 

APM.  (4): — i.  334b2:  Manega  Lazaras  ge  habbaS  nu 
licgende    set   eowrum    gatum,    biddende   eowre    oferflowend- 


194  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

nysse.     So  :  n.  330*. — Other  examples  : — i.  28* :  bodigende  ; 

I.  296* :  cweSende. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (199). 

I.    Without  an  Object  (194). 

NSM.  (94) : — H.  182al :  he  fta  dearie  ablicged  aweg  tengde. 
— I.  10*:  Beos  -Srynnys  is  au  God;  -Sset  is  se  Feeder  and  his 
wisdom  of  him  sylfum  sefre  acenned.  So  :  I.  34b,  150* \  222*, 
278b  2,  464b  2,  500*  \  n.  42b  3,  204b  3,  366*.— Other  examples  :— 

II.  352*  l:  afylled;  II.  510b :  afyrht  (or  pred.  ?) ;  I.  550* x: 
aha/en;  ahangen:  II.  598*,  606b ;  astreht:  I.  426b2,  II.  186b3  ; 
II.  332b3:  aftelboren;  I.  434* 2:  awed;  II.  254b :  awend;  I. 
598b :    aworpen ;    n.   120*1:    befangen  ;    I.   426* 2:    befrinen  ; 

I.  56b  2:  bewcefed  ;  II.  382b  3 :  fornumen  ;  I.  66*  * :  forscyldigod  ; 
ii.  424* :  fulfremed ;  I.  594bl:  gecebyligd  ;  I.  414b2:  geanc- 
sumod;  II.  250* 2:  gebolgen ;  gebyld:  II.  390b,  41 2b2;  ye- 
drefed:  I.  414bl;  II.  140* a:  geflogen  ;  gefrcetewod:  II.  118b; 

II.  306* x:  geftdlod;  I.  52* 2:  gefultumod;  geglen(c)g(e)d :  II. 
512b2,  518b2;  II.  130b2:  gehadod;  II.  244* :  gehalgod;  gehaten: 
i.  502*,  ii.  152* 2,  304*  \  308* x,  332b2,  348* 2,  412bl,  488* 2; 
gehathyrt:  ii.  374b,  424b;  II.  250b2:  gelcedd;  gelaftod:  I.  128*, 
Ii.  54* ;  II.  270b :  geliffcest ;  II.  250b  x :  gelogod ;  gelyfed :  II. 
152*  \  332b4;  I.  468b2:  gemartyrod ;  n.  158bl:  gemenged  ; 
II.  348* 3:  gemetegod;  I.  588b :  geneadod;  II.  24b :  geripod ; 
II.  42b2:  gesceapen;  gescryd(d):  I.  528b,  578b  (or  pred.?),  n. 
312b3,  382b2,  512bl;  ^ese^) :  I.  126*3,  130*1,  218*1;  n.  234b : 
gesworen;  I.  428b :  getogen;  I.  614b :  geftread ;  II.  36b : 
gefiungen;  n.  51 6b2:  gewceht;  gewcepnod:  I.  450b2,  II.  334* 2, 
502*;  geworht:  I.  278bl,  II.  42bl;  I.  426* T:  gewreged;  II. 
518*:  gewuldrod ;  I.  52* x:  oftorfod;  II.  150b:  onbryrd ;  I. 
290*:  rihtgelyfed;  II.  514*:  toswollen;  II.  372*:  unabeden; 
ii.  204*  : :  unbegunnen ;  I.  428* 2 :  ungeaxod ;  II.  336b :  wn- 
gederod  ;  ii.  204* 2 :  ungeendod. 

NSF.  (14):— ii.  546b3,  548* 1:  Hire  modor,  Redempta 
gehaten,  stod  hire  ofer,  micclum  afyrht  for  "Sam  heofonlican 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.       195 

leohte.  So  gehaten :  n.  284a  \  306a  2,  584a.— Other  examples  : 
— I.  446a :  ahafen  ;  II.  58a :  astreht ;  I.  502b  :  aftrawen ;  I. 
60":  awreht;  II.  90a2 :  fortredene;  II.  138b2:  gelaftod ;  II. 
308b :  getintregod ;  II.  498a :  geworht ;  n.  586b :  ymbscryd 
(or  pred.  ?). 

NSN.  (16):— I.  184bl&2:  $a  fif  hlafas  wseron  swylce  hit 
seed  waere,  na  on  eorSan  besawen,  ac  gemenigfykl  fram  "Sam  -Se 
eorSan  geworhte. — Other  examples: — II.  572a :  afyrht;  n. 
494bl&2:  ogoten;  I.  352b  :  bedysed ;  II.  140a2:  bepceht ; 
II.  326a2:  forscyldgod ;  II.  272b2:  geblodgod  ;  gehaten:  II. 
312b2,  438a;  I.  508b2:  gescrydd ;  I.  508bl:  ^.se«;  n.  510b3: 
geftuht;  II.  140bl:  ofscamod;  II.  510b2:  toslopen. 

NS.  F.  or  N.  (1) ; — I.  42b4 :  gemynd  .  .  .  geswutelod. 

KPM.  (20): — i.  608a2:  Saet  we  huru  his  genealaecendan 
dom,  mid  mislicum  swinglnm  afcerede,  ondreedon. — Other 
examples  : — n.  326b  2 :  acennede  ;  I.  98a  * :  ascyrede  ;  asende : 
I.  348al&2,  540a;  I.  560b  x :  fordemde ;  fornumene:  II.  246b2, 
348b;  I.  84a2:  forsodene ;  I.  566al:  gedrehte ;  I.  298b :  #e- 
glengede;  I.  504b :  gelcerde ;  I.  10a2:  gesceapene  ;  I.  538b2: 
gescrydde;  II.  396b4  :  gewcehte ;  II.  246b3:  gewcepnode ;  I. 
526b  :    gewrrSene ;    I.    544b4:    gewunode;    I.    610al:    teo/ii- 

NPF.  (3): — II.  174a:  Twa  mynecetma  wseron  droht- 
nigende  on  gehendnysse  his  mynstres  of  arSelborenre  msegfte 
asprungene. — Other  examples: — I.  366b :  bepcehte  ;  II.  298a : 
geendode. 

NPN.  (3) :— ii.  380a :  deoflu,  Se  feollon  to  his  fotum,  mid 
fyrhte fornumene  (or  pred.?). — n.  326al:  comon  cwelmbsere 
deoflu  swutellice  gesewene,  on  sweartum  hiwe,  in  to  'Sam 
cilde. — ii.  354b :  He  befrau  $a  hwam  Sa  gebytlu  gemynte 
wseroiij  swa  maerlice  getlmbrode. 

GPM.  (1) : — ii.  290a  :  gelaftunge  gecorenra  manna  to  $am 
ecan  life. 

DSM.  (2):— ii.  546a:  G.  awrat  be  sumum  geSyldigan 
were,  Stephanus  gehaten. — ii.  308a  2 :  set  foran  "Sam  casere, 
Aurelianus  genamod. 


196  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

DSF.  (2) : — ir.  494a :  becomon  to  anre  heafodbyrig,  Suanir 
gehaten; — ir.  546b2:  be  sumere  mynecyne,  Romula  gehaten. 

DPM.  (1): — ir.  286a:  Sume  gecwemdon  englum  on  heora 
gesthusutn  under jangenwnx  burn  cumliftnysse. 

ASM.  (21):— ii."  596bl,2-&3:  Ic  gelyfe  on  senne  Crist, 
Hselend  Drihten,  bone  ancennedan  Godes  Snnu,  of  Sam  Feeder 
acenned  aer  ealle  worulda,  God  of  Gode,  Leoht  of  Leohte, 
Sobne  God  of  Sobum  Gode,  acennedne  na  geworhtne.  So 
acennedne:  I.  198a. — n.  168al :  asende  his  swurdboran,  Riggo 
gehaten  {sic!).  So  gehaten  =  an  accusative:  n.  358al,  468a2 
(=eo  nomine),  480b,  492b2. — n.  162bl:  asende  him  senne 
focan  to  lace  mid  attre  gemencged. — Other  examples  : — II. 
112b:  befangenne  ;  n.  598b  2 :  forlorenne  ;  II.  9 2a :  for ftrcestne  ; 
II.  280a :  gebrcedne  ;  n.  252a  :  gecigedne ;  II.  1 20a  2 :  geende- 
byrdne ;  I.  210a:  gefreatewodne  ;  I.  330b :  geglencgedne ;  II. 
416b2:  gehceftne;  gescrydne:  n.  168a2,  500b. 

ASF.  (2): — ii.  182b2:  se  halga  wer  hsefde  ane  swustor, 
Scolastica  gehaten;  n.  124a:  afandode. 

ASN.  (7): — ii.  264a2:  Ne  ete  ge  of  &ra  lambe  nan  $ing 
hreaw,  ne  on  waetere  gesoden,  ac  gebrazd  to  fyre.  So  gesoden  : 
ii.  278b1.— Other  examples :— n.  260b2:  gedeced ;  II.  198b: 
gefadod ;  I.  42a  2 :  gehalgod ;  I.  1 34b :  gelacod ;  I.  42a  1 :  ge- 
wemmed. 

APM.  (3):— ii.  516bl:  oS5e  hwam  betadhst  bu  us  nu 
forlaitenef — Other  examples: — II.  486bl:  g edr elite ;  I.  568bl: 
gescrydde. 

APF.  (3)  : — i.  68a  l  &  2 :  ge  begeaton  eow  'Seosterfulle  wu- 
nunga  mid  dracum  afyllede,  and  .  .  .  mid  .  .  .  witum  afyllede. — 
i.  506a :  Da  gesawon  hi  setforan  Ssere  cyrcan  norSdura,  on 
5am  marmanstane,  swilce  mannes  fotla^sta  fsestlice  on  bam 
stane  geftyde.  [Though  Sweet  and  others  give  fotlmst  as 
masculine  only,  it  seems  to  be  feminine  here.  See,  too, 
i.  508a.] 

APN.  (1): — i.  218a2:  se  sacerd  bletsian  sceole  palmtwigu 
and  hi  swa  gebletsode  $am  folce  dselan. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      197 

II.   With  an  Object  (5). 

N8N.  (1): — I.  594a2:  $u  ceaf,  ecura  ontendnyssum  ge- 
gearcod,  gehyr  me. 

NPM.  (1) : — i.  544b3:  deorum  geferlcehte,  to  engelicura 
spraecura  gewunode,  on  micclum  wundrum  scinende  wseron. 

NPN.  (1)  : — ii.  314b :  raanega  sind  beboda  mannum  geselie 
(or  pred.  ?). 

GSF.  (1):— ii.  292a:  titiS  Surh  miltsunge  h\m  for gyfenre 
raihte  (or  Abs.  Dat.  ?     See  Abs.  Ptc.  inA.-S.,  p.  11). 

APM.  (1) : — ir.  598bl:  gescyld  ftine  Seovvan  Sinum  tuse- 
genSrymrae  underfteodde. 

Note:  Latin  Participles  occur  as  follows  : — (1 )  untranslated  : 
credentes,  persuadenfes,  secuti,  in  Pref.  to  I. ;  (2)  translated  : 
dicens  (dicentes)  =  cweftende,  I.  510bl,  520a  =  befrinende  in  I. 
104a ; — raptum  =  fte  woss  gegripen,  II.  332b ; — cireumdata  = 
ymbscryd,  n.  58 6b. 

^LFRIC'S    LIVES    OF    SAINTS    (543). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (335). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (129). 

NSM.  (54) : — 442.  24  :  com  se  arwurSa  swy$uu  to  sumum 
.  .  .  smy^e  on  swefhe  ceteowiende  wurSlice  geglencged. — 
xxviii.  6 :  Se  casere  wses  cene  and  refte  and  deofolgild 
beeode  dwollice  libbende. — 482.  182  :  he  sona  wearS  hal 
beorhte  locigende  se  'Se  blind  wa?s. — Other  examples  : — 478. 
92:  blyssigende ;  xxin.  B.  1991  :  clypigende ;  156.  134: 
drohtnigende  ;  xxin.  B.  640:  eftcyrrende ;  448.  100  :  fazgni- 
gende  ,—feallende :  396.  222,  xxviii.  114;  282.  5  :  feohtend 
[sic]  ;  xxin.  B.  1992 :  forftgangende  ;  14.  77  :  forftsteppende  ; 
xxin.  B.  645:  geftrystl&cende ; — hangi(g)ende :  428.  212, 
227,  xxix.  254 ;  xxin.  B.  733  :  haivigende ;  heofende : 
XXX.  180;  xxin.  B.  366:  hlihhende;  526.  617:  hlydende; 
466.   417:   hoppende ;    xxin.   B.    726:   hreowsigende ;    174. 


198  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

66:  licgende;  xxx.  47:  nytende;  xxm.  B.  154:  restende; 
rixi(g)e7ide :  146.  474,  412.  480;  178.  158  :  scinende;  xxm. 
B.  1532:  sittende;  452.  184:  siKigende;  xxm.  B.  6671 : 
smeagende;  xxnr.  B.  664:  sorgigende;  xxm.  B.  164: 
standende;  XXV.  156:  sweltende;  76.  443:  teonde ;  xxv. 
14:  truwigende;  xxm.  B.  1862 :  ftenigende;  xxx.  32 : 
fteonde;  xxm.  B.  231  :  Keowigende  ;  xxv.  472:  understand- 
ende;  xxx.  258  :  utgangende ;  82.  550  :  waciende  ;  xxm. 
B.  162:  wendende;  wepende:  158.  199,  510.  371,  xxm.  B. 
191,  xxx.  327;  wundrigende:  518.  513,  534.  745;  wuni- 
gende:  12.  33,  78.  4941,  336.  1,  470.  4721. 

NSF.  (37) : — xxm.  B.  431  :  ic  cwarS  to  hire  geornlice 
and  unforbuffendlice  behealdende  and  cweftende. — xxm.  B. 
472 :  mine  cneowa  gebigde  beforan  ftarn  halgan  andwlitan 
•Sysura  wordutn  biddende. — 212.  34:  Heo  aras  3a  bijigende 
for  ftaere  beorhtan  gesihfte  (or  pred.  ?).  So  :  xxm.  B.  461. — 
Other  examples : — 192. 378  :  blissigende;  cweSende  (cwceftende): 
xxm.  B.  2641,  636,  696;  xxm.  B.  6681 :  eftcyrrende;  196. 
162:  egsigende;  434.  42  :  fcestende ;  xxm.  B.  510  :  fleonde  ; 
gangende:  xxm.  B.  685,  xxvi.  219;  xxm.  B.  5112:  ge- 
hihtende;  xxm.  B.  702:  geomrigende  ;  xxm.  B.  274: 
hangiende;  xxm.  B.  486:  hawigende  ;  heqfende:  xxm.  B. 
428,  721;  xxm.  B.  544:  hreqfigende;  xxm.  B.  334: 
licgende;  xxm.  B.  701  :  locigende;  196.  161  :  olecende; 
scinende:  250.  197,  xxvu.  117;  xxm.  548:  sorgigende; 
xxm.  B.  283  :  syrwiende ;  xxm.  B.  457  :  ftrystlcecende ; 
wepende:  xxm.  B.  485,  494,  496,  541,  546,  720;  wuni- 
(g)ende:  20.  1772,  38.  230.1 

NSN.  (5) : — 78.  468  :  wunode  an  mseden  mserlice  droht- 
nigende  geond  feowertig  geare  fee  fsegre  gehealden. — Other 
examples: — xxvi.  159  :  feallende;  88.  652  :  jlitende ;  184. 
242:  grymetende;  44.  327:  wunigende. 

NPM.  (17):— 98.  154:  Da  eoden  $a  hseSengyldan  into 
heora  temple  clypigende  hlude  to  "Sam  leasan  gode. — 226. 110  : 
•3a  clypodon  "Sser  "Sry  weras  cnucigende  a3t  'Seem  geate. — 
Other  examples: — 438.  99:  blyssigende ;   514.  445:  dreori- 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       199 

gende ;  192.  379:  drohtniende  ;  xxni.  B.  115:  gereordende  ; 
110.  3381:  glUiniende;  240.  18:  libbende ;  liegende:  54.  62, 
xxv.  496;  XXV.  513:  ridende;  326.  83:  sprecende;  XXV. 
779:  standende;  326.  100:  ftancigende ;  94.  77:  fteonde; 
xxvi.  186:  wundrigende ;  70.  330:  wunigende. 

NPN.  (4)  : — 224.  861  k  2 :  binnan  3am  wseron  ealle  cuce 
nytenu  creopende  and  gangande  (or  pred.?). — Other  ex- 
amples:— XXVii.  39:  dynigende;  XXIV.  53:  grymetende. 

DSM.  (2) : — 14.  79  :  Nis  nanum  menn  on  .  .  .  life  libbendum 
nanes  binges  swa  mycel  neod. — xxiii.  B.  673 :  Dus  mid 
tearnm  biddende,  him  eft  o3er  ge3anc  on  befeoll  3us  cwe- 
•Sende.     [I  omit  he  after  f)us,  as  does  Skeat's  "  B."] 

DSF.  (3) : — 212.  40  :  forgif  me  3a  to  clsennysse  to  criste 
farendre. — xxiii.  B.  752 :  geic  eac  gebiddan  3eahhwse3ere 
for  me  of  3yssere  worulde  hleorende  on  "Sam  rnon3e  etc. ; — 
36.  185  :  licgendre. 

ASM.  (2)  : — 78.  489  :  gelsedde  hine  on  mergen  for3  swi3e 
faegres  hiwes  buton  selcurn  womme  and  wel  sprecande; — 
78.  4812:  unsprecende. 

ASF.  (2)  :— 334.  216  :  Se  sang  geswutela3  3a  halgan 
3rynnysse  on  anre  godcundnysse  aefre  wunigende ;  ib.  xxix. 
5(?). 

APM.  (3) : — 388.  80 :  se  cyning  sende  swy3e  fela  aeren- 
dracan  to  .  .  .  eardum  embe  3e  axiende. — Other  examples : — 
xxx.  429  :  gebiddende  (or  pred.  ?) ;  32.  130  :  liegende. 

II.   With  an  Object  (206). 

NSM.  (114): — xxvi.  137 1&2:  he  3serbinnan  wunode 
godes  lof  arcerende  and  gerihtlcecende  3set  folc. — xxiii.  B. 
96  :  3as  weoro  Zosimus  behealdende  hine  sylfne  geornlice  to 
fulfremeclnysse  a3ened[e]  gemang  3am  emnwyrhtum.  So  : 
xxx.  233. — 60.  166  :  [he]  com  to  basilie  biddende  fulluhtes. 
— 62.  193  :  Da  asende  se  ealdorman  sona  to  basilie,  biddende 
earmlice  3set  etc. — 78.  487  :  ac  se  bisceop  .  .  .  wacode  ealle 
3a  niht  mid  3am  wsedlian  hreoflian,  biddende  3one  haelend 


200  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

$set  he  etc. — 410.  443:  Da  .  .  .  raannases  ...  to  Sam 
selmihtigan  clypode,  biddende  miltsunge  ealra  his  mandseda. 
Other  instances  of  biddende:  66.  278,  106.  278,  122.  115, 
224.  69,  312.  80,  314.  109,  316.  135,  420.  95,  448.  103, 
458.  273,  xxm.  B.  719,  xxv.  487,  xxvn.  212,  xxix. 
56. — 96.  91  :  he  him  asende  Sisne  frofer  3us  cwcri&ende  etc. 
So  cweftende  (cwatiende) :  22.  190,  154.  1062  (or  pred.?),  182. 
2032,  250.  2122,  314.  109,  364.  3,  378.  216,  386.  29,  408.  417, 
444.  64;  xxm.  B.  6672,  6682,  670,  674,  xxiv.  103,  xxvi. 
100  ;  xxx.  45,  98. — Other  examples  : — xxm.  B.  161  :  ahceb- 
bende;  xxm.  B.  672:  berende;  xxm.  B.  7962:  bletsigende; — 
bodigende:  346.  135  (or  pred.?),  xxix.  114  (or  pred.?),  144 
(or  pred.?); — xxm.  B.  1531:  brucende  (w.  gen.);  366.  48: 
bysmrigende;  clypigende:  180.  181  (or  pred.?),  182.  2031, 
250.  2121,  474.  49,  xxm.  B.  601;  220.  33:  cunnigende; 
xxm.  B.  638:  cyssende;  xxm.  B.  6392:  donde;  xxm.  B. 
271  :  foresettende ;  90.  666  :  fremiende  (w.  dat.);  64.  221  : 
gebysmriende ;  gehyrende:  xxm.  B.  587,  XXX.  246;  xxm. 
B.  678:  geseonde;  hcebbende:  284.  10,  xxm.  B.  78,  151, 
669;  herigende:  80.  523,  156.  139,  222.  35,  xxm.  B.  7963, 
xxix.  296  (or  pred.?);  xxx.  179:  hopiende  (w.  gen.);  154. 
1061 :  hrymende  (or  pred.?)  ;  xxm.  B.  292  :  hyrende  ;  xxm. 
B.  689  :  kyrsumigende  (\v.  dat.) ;  xxm.  B.  363  :  ofergeotende  ; 
xxm.  B.  185:  ofergrtUigende ;  xxx.  4:  oferhlifigende; 
XXVIII.  37:  offrigende  ;  320.  5:  sawende  ;  secgende:  246. 
135,  300.  242,410.  422,  462.  331,  xxv.  5411,  xxvn.  1902; 
xxv.  5412 :  seSende ;  28.  59:  singende ;  xxvn.  1901  : 
sleande ;  smeagende :  XXIII.  B.  280  (=  putans),  XXVII. 
137;  tihtende:  84.  574,  96.  103,  306.  313;  xxm.  B.  680: 
tweonigende ;  %anci(g)ende  (w.  gen.  &  dat.);  28.  75,  xxvii. 
102;  Zeowigende  (w.  dat.).-  330.  152,  486.  251;  82.  538: 
ftingiende  (w.  dat.);  xxm.  B.  1861 :  understandende ;  wil- 
nigende  (w.  gen.)  :  220.  28,  xxvi.  56  ;  wuldrigew.de:  xxm.  B. 
6391,  679,  7961,  xxvn.  217;  wundriende  (w.  gen.):  54.  77, 
56.  98;  wurlSigende:  XXVII.  105,  xxix.  232;  wyrcende: 
78.  4942,  470.  4722. 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       201 

NSF.  (36) : — 206.  178  :  am  seo  burhwaru  endemes  to  3ara 
arleasan  axlende  mid  gehlyde  etc. — Other  examples  : — xxiii. 
B.  538:  adreogende;  xxiii.  B.  51 11:  anbidigende;  xxiii. 
B.  398:  beswicende;  biddende  (w.  ac.  or  w.  gen.).*  82.  533, 
554;  178.  154,  180.  200,  182.  224,  xxiii.  B.  560;  clypi- 
(g)ende:  80.  501,  210.  25,  224.  87,  92;  226.  101,  332.  191 
(clypiende  stemn  =  vox  clamantis),  xxiii.  B.  487;  cnyssende: 
xxiii.  B.  542,  549;  eioeftende  (cwceftende) :  82.  533;  xxiii. 
B.  282,  432,  454,  489,  591  ;  xxx.  241,  343,  444;  xxiii.  B. 
319 :  forhcelende;  xxiii.  B.  397  :  gegadrigende ;  xxiii.  B.  597  : 
halsigende;  XXIII.  B.  521  :  notigende  ;  xxiii.  B.  581  :  smea- 
gende;  xxiii.  B.  400:  teonde;  xxiii.  B.  495:  toivriftende  ; 

xxiii.  B.  426  :  ftencende. 

NSN.  (5) : — xxiii.  B.  595  :  ac  godes  word  is  cucn  and 
scearp,  innan  Icerende  "Sis  mennisce  andgyt. — Other  examples  : 
— biddende:  60.  171,  xxv.  716;  xxiii.  B.  324:  cweftende; 
xxiii.  B.  287  :  hcebbende  (==  reducens). 

NPM.  (44) : — 472.  9  :  gebugon  to  fulluhte  behreoiosigende 

heora    synna. — Other  examples  : — biddende  (w.   g.   or  ac.) : 

46.  357(?),  70.  334,  138.  352,  240.  40,  242.  75,  400.  258, 

448.   121,  452.   188;   xxv.  336,  768;  xxix.  172;  xxvi. 

79:  bodigende ;  136.  305:  clypigende ;  cwer&ende:  xxx.  140, 

281,   425;    xxix.    192:    cyftende ;    xxvi.    238:  feccende; 

xxvni.  10  :  folgiende  (w.  dat.);  xxiii.  B.  139:  gefyllende ; 

geseonde:  xxiii.  B.  377,  xxx.  184;  148.  24:  halsigende; 

heri[g]ende:  70.  349  (or  pred.?),  102.  222,  110.  338,2  138. 

351,  142.  403;  mcersigende:  26.  37,  230.  162,  242.  51  (or 

pred.?);  XXV.  495  :  sceotiende ;  54.  56  :  secende  (or  pred.  ?); 

secgende:   146.   458,  xxv.   121  ;   %anci(g)ende   (w.  dat.    & 

gen.) :  114.  410,  132.  249,  438.  85,  460.  322,  478.  96,  xxv. 

453;  80.  526:  wuldrigende ;  184.  249:  mirftigende. 

NP.  F.  or  M.  (1) :— 224.  Q6  :  wydewan  and  Searfan  .  .  . 

ceteowigende. 

GSF.  (1) : — xxiii.  B.  426  :  -5a  on h ran  so^lice  min  mod 

and   fta  eagan    minre   heortan    hselo    andgit    mid    me  sylfre 


202  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

ftencende  Sset  me  "Sone  ingang  belucen  Sa  onfeormeganda  (sic) 
minra  misdseda  (but,  as  is  evident,  the  text  is  very  corrupt). 

DSM.  (3) : — xxiii.  B.  246  :  Da  forgeaf  heo  Zosime  and- 
swarigende  Amen.  [The  text  seems  corrupt.  Skeat  trans- 
lates :  "  Then  she  gave  Zosimus  [her  blessing,  he]  answering 
'Amen.' "] — xxiii.  B.  674  :  Bus  mid  tearum  biddende,  him 
eft  o$er  geiSane  on  befeoll,  ftus  cweftende.  [I  here  follow 
Skeat's  "B"  and  omit  he  after  Bits.]— 82.  540:  Se  wyle  $e 
gehyran  me  ftingiende  to  him. 

ASM.  (2) : — 480.  143  :  het  se  foresa?da  dema  gelsedan  Sone 
halgan  on  heardre  racenteage  feorr  on  wrsecsi"S  ferigende  on 
scipe. — xxx.  411  :  se  casere  .  .  .  het  hine  ungyrdan  and 
bewsepnian  and  beforau  his  ansyne  setstandan  mid  his  wife 
and  his  cildum  swilce  ofergcegendne  his  hlafordes  bebod. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (208). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (205). 

NSM.  (87) : — 14.  761*2 :  se  halga  gast  is  sefre  of  him  bam, 
na  acenned  ac  foHSsteppende.  So  acenned  in  12.  34,  36. — 
114.  428  :  Da  fleah  martianus  for  nean  adyd— 206.  180  :  Da 
fleah  quintianus  afyrht  for  'Sam  gehlyde.  So:  348.  166. — 
Other  examples: — 386.  48:  afunden ;  afylled:  194.  424, 
314.  125,  330.  153,  330.  157;  466.  420:  ahred;  asend  : 
48.  413,  396.  207,  xxiv.  140;  xxvi.  173:  asmtiSod;  xxx. 
31  :  ceftelboren;  84.  593:  awend;  158.  174:  awreht ;  xxiii. 
B.  235  :  belocen  ;  XXV.  782  :  beswungen  ;  xxxi.  36  :  betceht  ; 
428.  228  :  fordemed ;  xxv.  498:  fornumen ;  446.  96:  ge- 
biged;  394.  179:  gebolgen;  gebyld:  58.  142,  xxix.  143; 
geci(e)ged:  238.  10,  xxvi.  9;  xxx.  234:  gedrefcd:  xxiii. 
B.  179  :  gefremed;  422.  126  :  gefullod;  150.  40:  gefultumod; 
456.  238:  geglencged;  462.  336:  gehceled ;  gehaten,  "called, 
named:"  28.  58,  54.  63,  84.  567,  136.  322,  154.  126,  186. 
296,  398.  228,  408.  389,  426.  196,  436.  62,  472.  14,  476.  72, 
xxiv.  69;  xxv.  7,  298,  594,  749;  xxvi.  2,  120,  257;  xxvu. 
22,  47;    126.   159:   gehaten,  "summoned;"    446.   95:  ge- 


THE   APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO— SAXON.      203 

hoferod ;  xxix.  81:  gelozred ;  96.  99:  gelaftod ;  gelyfed: 
422.  125;  xxvi.  3,  8;  xxvu.  46;  xxm.  B.  706:  gereht; 
14.  631  :  gesceapen;  162.  247:  gescryd ;  xxm.  B.  234: 
gewceced ;  66.  273:  gewcepnod;  xxm.  B.  218:  geicend ;  14. 
632 :  geworht ;  92.  22:  gewyssod ;  xxv.  616:  geyrsod ;  532. 
718:  of  dreed ;  xxm.  B.  322:  ofergoten ;  xxix.  64:  of- 
wundrod ;  208.  219:  onceled ;  12.  161 :  unbegunnen ;  222. 
45:  unbunden;  uncu§ :  66.  272,  116.  17;  ungeendod  (un- 
gecendod):  12.  ]62,  268.  103;  xxxi.  42:  ungewemmed. 

NSF.  (14) : — 180.  180  :  arn  seo  burhwaru  ablycged  Sider. 
— xxm.  B.  427  :  Da  ongan  ic  biterlice  wepan  and  swifte 
gedrefed  mine  breost  cnyssan. — xxm.  B.  524 :  Heo  $a 
gedrefedu  him  andswarode. — 420.  108  :  Da  wses  'Sser  gehende 
"Sam  halgan  wsere  an  rnyrige  dun  mid  wyrtum  amet. — Other 
examples: — 20.  1771 :  befangen;  xxm.  B.  477:  forftoht ; 
222.  55:  geciged;  xxm.  B.  238:  gefremed ;  222.  56:  ge- 
glencged;  386.  501 :  gehaten;  222.  54:  gelyfed;  386.  502: 
gemodod  ;  xxm.  B.  2642 :  gewend ;  38.  2302 :  wncwS. 

NSN.  (15): — 78.  469:  wunode  an  mseden  maBrlice  droht- 
nigende  geond  feowertig  geare  fee  fsegre  gehealden. — 298. 
229  :  -Saet  ofter  folc  fleab  ofyrht  for  heora  hreame. — Other 
examples: — xxvi.  183:  astreht ;  xxv.  567:  befangen;  236. 
250  :  fulfremed ;  xxvi.  214:  gebrocod ;  xxm.  B.  749:  ge- 
cweden;  32.  134:  gecyged ;  gehaten:  44.  327,  170.  7l,  236. 
249;  gelyfed:  170.  72,  194.  2;  30.  94:  uncuft ;  xxm.  B. 
285  :  ymbseald. 

NPM.  (37) :— 180.  167  :  ac  hi  .  .  .  ablicgede  cyrdon  to 
heora  .  .  .  hlaforde. — 468.  437  :  "Sean  -Se  3a  Iudeiscan  -Surh 
deofol  beswicene  nellon  gelyfan. — Other  examples: — afyllede: 
126.  168,  xxviii.  60;  afyrhte:  166.  317,  xxv.  611,  xxvi. 
231,  xxix.  305;  54.  53:  alysde ;  116.  25:  ceftelborene ; 
xxvi.  93:  cumene;  fornumene:  58.  138  (or  pred.?),  204. 
148,  326.  96;  126.  167:  geborene ;  342.  73:  gebundene ; 
gebylde:  xxv.  488,  xxvu.  149;  208.  216:  geegsode;  xxv. 
339:  gehyrte;  318.  172:  geleofede;  gelyf(e)de:  xxiv.  2, 
xxv.  109,  xxviii.  15;  184.  245:  gemartyrode ;  xxv.  558: 


204  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

getemode ;  460.  319:  geuntrumode;  gewcepnode:  190.  359, 
xxv.  333;  xxv.  559:  gewenode ;  geworhte:  386.  38,  408. 
386  ;  506.  300  :  ofdrcedde;  298.  228  :  ofhrorene;  xxv.  497  : 
ofslagene ;  54.  58  :  onbryrde ;  xxnr.  B.  571  :  totorene  (but 
the  passage  is  corrupt). 

NPF.  (1) : — xxv.  813  :  on  -gysre  worulde  synd  -Sreo  ende- 
byrdnysse  oh  aunysse  gesette  ;  3set  synd  etc. 

DSM.  (7)  : — 462.  351  :  oSSset  hi  becoraou  to  sumura 
senlicum  felda  fsegre  geblotoen. — xxv.  757  :  sum  leogere  .  .  . 
ssede  Sam  ealdormenn  Apollonius  geciged. — 140.368:  Nico- 
stratus  .  .  .  wearS  .  .  .  toforan  "Sam  deman  gebroht,  fabianus 
gehaten.  So  gehaten:  224.  79,  402.  317,  xxv.  331,  XXVI. 
121. 

DSF.  (11): — xxiii.  B.  438  :  forSon  witodlice  genoh  riht- 
lic  is  me  swa  besmitenre  fram  -Sinre  clsenan  ungewemmednysse 
beon  ascirod. — xxiii.  B.  598  :  Nu  ic  fte  .  .  .  andbidde  .  .  . 
^set  $u  for  me  earm  1  icre  forlegenre  gebidde. — 54.  83:  ge- 
wendon  to  anre  widgyllan  byrig,  Antiochia  geciged.  So 
geciged:  146.  462. — 54.  66:  ferde  to  Saere  [flowendan]  ea 
iordanis  gehaten.  So  gehaten:  68.  325,  184.  264,  238.  11, 
xxv.  413,  xxix.  4,  146. 

DSN.  (2):— 196.  10:  betamte  hi  anum  fulum  wife 
Afrodosia  geciged. — xxxi.  11  :  Marti nus  .  .  .  wses  geboren 
on  $arn  fsestene  Sabaria  gehaten. 

DS.  M.  or  N.  (1):— 172.  36  :  He  geglseugde  me  mid  orle 
of  golde  awefen. 

ASM.  (20):— 44.  3501&2:  Basilla  hsefde  enne  hae^ene 
wogere,  pompeius  gecyged,  svvi'Se  afoelboren.  So  geciged: 
xxix.  213. — 312.  68  :  A.  .  .  genam  senne  mycelne  bollan 
mid  bcaluwe  afylled. — XXVII.  11  :  forlet  fta  senne  daBl  on 
•Ssere  ylcan  byrig  -Se  Crist  on  'Srowode,  swa  swa  us  cySa"S 
gewritu,  mid  seolfre  bewunden. — Other  examples  : — 200.  75  : 
gebigedne  (or  pred.?);  xxiii.  B.  661:  gefylltdne ;  gehaten: 
28.  67,  104.  230,  124.  125,  194.  409,  222.  42,  302.  277, 
408.  396,  xxv.  761,  xxvi.  53,  xxix.  204,  214;  78.  4811: 
toswollen ;  78.482:  unafunden. 


THE   APPOSITTVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      205 

ASF.  (4) : — xxviii.  36  :  wi$  ane  litle  burh  Octodorum 
gehaten.  So  gehaten :  xxxi.  59. — xxiii.  B.  500  :  ic  becora 
to  sanctes  iohannes  cyrcan  'Sees  fulwihteres  wift  iordanen 
gesette. — 436.  80  :  geworht. 

ASN.  (2) : — 92.  26  :  Da  fundon  his  niagas  sum  seSelboren 
ruseden  basilissa  gehaten;  132.258:   untobrocen. 

APM.  (1):— 246.  146  :  unscrydde. 

APF.  (2): — xxiii.  B.  128:  sum  [bser]  beana  mid  wsetere 
ofgolene ;  ib.  xxiii.  B.  663. 

APN.  (1) : — 24.  225  :  ealle  lichamlicra  3inga  hiw  heo  rnseg 
on  hyre  sylfre  gehiwian,  and  swa  gehiwode  on  hyre  mode 
gehealden. 

II.    With  an  Object  (3). 

NSN.  (1):— 288.  71  :  forSan  $e  heo  gebedhus  is,  gode 
gehcdgod. 

ASM.  (1) : — xxiii.  B.  676  :  Eala  me  ungesseligan  swa 
rihtwislicre  gesih-Se  afremdad  me. 

ASF.  (1) : — xxiii.  B.  442  :  gefultuma  me  nu  anegre  selces 
fylstes  bedceled  (MS.  G  :  bedcelede). 

Note:  Latin  Participles  occur  in  332.  191  (vox  clamantis 
=  elypiende  stemn),  338.  33  (vir  videns  deum  =  Dat  is  on 
Engliscre  sprosce :  se  wer  fte  god  gesihft),  xxiii.  B.  280 
(putans  —  smeagende),  xxiii.  B.  287  (reducens  =  hcebbende). 

^LFRIC'S    DE    VETERI    ET    DE    NOVO 

TESTAMENTO    (41). 

A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (15). 
I.   Without  an  Object  (5). 

NSM.  (4)  :— 18.  32  :  he  bifiende  feoll  to  I.  fotum  (or 
pred.  ?). — 20.  24 :  Bellatores  .  .  .  ure  burga  healdati  .  .  . 
feohtende  mid  wsemnum  ;  (ibbende  (lybbende) :  2.  26,  12.  40. 

DPM.  (1)  : — 5.  34  :  [mete]  him  selce  dseg  com  edniwe 
of  heof'enum  feowertig  wintra  fyrst  on  -Sam  westene  farende. 
5 


206  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

II.    With  an  Object  (10). 

NSM.  (7) :— 18.  332 :  he  .  .  .  feoll  to  I.  fotum  .  .  .  biddende 
miltsunge. — Other  examples: — 16.  32:  bodigende  (or  pred.?); 
16.  10:  cweftende ;  16.  302 :  Icerende ;  20.  10:  secgende  ;  wyr- 
cende  (idrcende) :  15.  23,  16.  301. 

NPM.  (3) : — 19.  45  :  -Sser  -Seer  hig  blksiaft  andbidiende  git 
•SaBS  ecan  lifes;  heriende:  5.  28,  8.  27. 

B.— THE    PRETERITE   PARTICIPLE    (26). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (26). 

NSM.  (13):— 2.  9,  10:  Her  is  seo  halige  Srinnis  on 
•Sisum  ftrim  man n una  .  .  .  se  .  .  .  feeder  of  nanum  o^rum 
gecumen,  and  se  micla  wisdom  of  'Sam  wisan  feeder  sefre 
.  .  .  acenned. — Other  examples: — 3.  25:  adrenced;  13.  40: 
ahangen ;  3.  2 :  awend ;  2.  44  :  gefaistnod ;  gehaten :  9.  20, 
11.4;  11.5:  gelyfed. ;  1 7.  24  :  gestrangod  ;  1 2.  34  :  geftogen  ; 
18.  331 :  qfergoten;  18.  34:  qfsceamod. 

NPM.  (3) : — 20.  20  :  Laboratores  sind  yrSlingas  and  sehte 
men  to  $am  anum  bekehte  etc.     So  :  20.  22. 

NPF.  (2)  : — 14.  12  :  "Sset  syndon  "Sreo  bee  mid  lufe  afyllede 
folce  to  lare ;   11.  21  :  gehatene. 

DSM.  (1)  : — 16.  24  :  binnan  anum  igofte  feor  on  wrsecsi'Se, 
Pathmos  gehaten. 

ASM.  (4) : — 3.  23  :  se  acwealde  his  broftor  Abel  gehaten 
unscildigne  mannan.  So  gehaten  =  ace.  sing.  masc. :  7.  18, 
8.  20,  11.  9. 

ASF.  (1) : — 15.  44 :  he  awrat  $a  boc  on  his  wraecsrSe 
Apocalipsis  gehaten. 

ASN.  (2) :— 7.  341&2 :  He  arserde  .  .  .  Sat  .  .  .  tempel  .  .  . 
swa  fsegere  getimbrod  and  swa  fseste  getrymmed ;  7.  35: 
oferworht. 

II.    With  an  Object  (0). 

Xo  example. 


THE    APPOSITTVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       207 

iELFRIC'S    HEPTATEUCH    (99). 
A.— THE    PRESENT  PARTICIPLE    (61). 

I.    Without  an  Object  (25). 

1,  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (15) : — 

NSM.  (9) : — Judges  4.  20  :  gif  her  senig  man  cume  acsi- 
gende  em  be  me  =  cum  venerit  aliquis  interrogans  te  (or 
pred.?). — Gen.  19.  14:  Da  wses  him  ge-Suht,  swilce  he 
gamnigende  spraece  =  Et  visus  est  eis  quasi  ludens  loqui. — 
Other  examples  : — ingangende  =  ingrediens  :  Deut.  28.  61 
191;  Num.  22.34:  nitende  =  nesciens ;  Gen.  15.  17:  smoci- 
ende  =  finnans-  (or  attrib.  ?) ;  Num.  16.  48:  standende  = 
stans ;  utgangende  =  egrediens :  Deut.  28.  62,  192. 

NSN.  (2) : — Ex.  2.  23  :  Israela  beam  clypode  geomriende 
for  -Sam  weorcum  =  ingemiscentes  filii  Israel  propter  opera 
vociferati  sunt;  Job.  1.  19:  hreosende  =  corruens. 

NPM.  (3): — Judges  15.  14:  union  him  togeanes  ealle 
hlydende  =  Et  cum  Philisthiim  vociferantes  occurrissent  ei  (or 
pred.?). — Other  examples: — Ex.  1.  71:  spryttende  =  germi- 
nantes  ;  Num.  16.  18:  standende  =  stantes. 

NPN.  (1) : — Gen.  8.  3  :  Da  weeteru  Sa  gecirdon  of  -SaBre 
eorSan  ongean  farende  =  Reversseque  sunt  aqua?  de  terra 
euntes  et  rede  antes. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
finite  verb,  which  finite  verb  is  usually  subordinate  or  is  in 
immediate  connection  with  an  appositive  participle  (5) : — 

NSM.  (1) : — Gen.  22.  3  :  Abraham  ba  aras  on  -Ssere  ylcan 
nihte  and  ferde  mid  twam  cnapum  to  $arn  fyrlenum  lande 
and  Isaac  samod  on  assum  ridende  =  Igitur  Abraham  de 
nocte  consurgens  stravit  asinum  suum,  ducens  secum  duos 
juvenes  et  Isaac  filium  suum  abiit  in  locum. 

NPM.  (4)  : — Num.  14.  45  :  and  hig  micclum  slogon  and 
ehtende  adrifon  =  et  percutiens  eos  atque  occidens  persecutus 
est  eos. — Other  examples  : — Num.  20.  30  :  beweopon  geomeri- 


208  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

ende  =jlevit  (there  is  an  ap.  ptc.  in  the  sentence) ;  Josh.  8. 
16  :  hrymdon  ridende  =  vociferantes  persecuti  sunt  eos;  Job 
2.  122:  hrymdon  wepende  =  exclsLmantes  ploravermit. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
prepositional  phrase  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1):— Gen.  24.  63:  He  eode  ut  on  "Sat  land  %en- 
cende  =  Et  egressus  f'uerat  ad  meditandum  in  agro. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  exact  Latin 
correspondence  (4) : — 

NSM.  (2) : — Judges  4.  22  :  aesigend  (sic:  cf.  Judges  4.  20, 
where  acsigende  =  iiderrogans)  (or  pred.  ?)  ;  Gen.  37.  35  : 
wepende  (cf.  Gen.  37.  34,  in  which  lugens  occurs). 

NPM.  (2): — Job  2.  121 :  cumende ;  Josh.  7.  6  :  licgende. 

II.   With  an  Object  (36). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (25)  : — 

NSM.  (12) :— Gen.  1.  22  :  And  bletsode  hig,  3us  cweftende 
—  Benedixitque  eis  dicens.  So  cwefiende  =  dicens :  Gen.  2. 
16,  8.  15,  17.  17;  Ex.  3.  16,  5.  6;  Deut.  32.  48,  34.  4.— 
Other  examples: — Job  1.  82:  yfel  forbugende  =  recedens  a 
malo ;  Job  1.  81:  ondrcedende  =  timens  ;  Job  (Exposition), 
p.  266,  1.  20 :  secende  =  qucerens  (for  Latin  cf.  I.  Peter  5. 
8) ;  Gen.  2.  6  :  wcetriende  =  irrigans. 

NSF.  (5):— Gen.  18.  12:  (Sarra)  hloh  digellice,  3us 
cweftende  =  Quae  risit  occulte,  dicens.  So  cwe&ende  =  dicens  : 
Gen.  15.  4;  Num.  16.  41.— Other  examples :— Num.  10.  33 : 
sceawiende  =  providens  ;  secgende  =  dicens :  Gen.  15.  1. 

NSN.  (1): — Judges  6.  7:  Swa  Israela  folc  -Sa  earmlice 
clipode  to  $am  .  .  .  gode,  his  helpes  biddende  =  Et  clamavit 
Israel  ad  dominum,  postulans  auxilium. 

NPM.  (1): — Gen.  3.  5:  ge  beo$  "Sonne  englum  gelice 
witende  segSer  ge  god  ge  yfel  =  et  eritis  sicut  dii,  scientes 
bonum  et  malum. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      209 

ASF.  (1): — Gen.  1.  121:  seo  eorSe  for$  ateah  growende 
wirte  and  seed  berende  be  hire  cinne  =  protulit  terra  herbara 
virentem  etfacientem  semen  juxta  genus  suum. 

ASN.  (4): — Gen.  1.  II1*2:  Spritte  seo  eorSe  growende 
gsers  and  ssed  wircm.de  and  seppebsere  treow  wsestrn  wircende 
sefter  his  cinne  =  Germinet  terra  herbam  virentem  etfacien- 
tem semen  et  lignum  pomiferum  faciens  fructum  juxta  genus 
suum;  ib.  Gen.  1.  122;  Gen.  1.  123:  hcebbende  =  habens. 

APF.  (1) : — Gen.  1.  29:  ic  forgeaf  eow  eall  gsers  and 
wyrta  ssed  berende  ofer  eorSan  =  dedi  vobis  omnem  herbam 
aferentem  semen  super  terram. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
finite  verb,  which  finite  verb  is  usually  either  subordinate 
or  is  in  immediate  connection  with  an  appositive  participle 
(3):- 

NSM.  (1): — Deut.  4.  45  :  ...  se,  $e  Moises  foresette  and 
laga  and  domas,  -Sus  cweftende  =  .  .  .  lex,  quam  proposuit 
M.,  et  .  .  .  judicia  quae  locutus  est. 

NSF.  (1) : — Josh.  10.  6 :  Da  sende  seo  burhwaru  ...  to 
Iosue  biddende  $set  etc.  =  miserunt  ad  Iosue  et  dixerunt  ei. 

ASN.  (1) : — Deut.  11.  25  :  Ge  .  .  .  gehirdon  his  word,  Sus 
cweftende  =  .  .  .  et  locutus  est  vobis. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  exact  Latin 
correspondence  (8)  : — 

NSM.  (2) : — Judges  (Epilogue),  p.  264, 1.  14  :  gewilniende; 
Judges  5.  32  (Exposition) :  heriende. 

NPM.  (6): — Judges  5.  32  (Exposition):  ahebbende ;  bid- 
dende: Judges,  Preface,  1.  10,  3.  15,  4.  3;  Judges,  Epilogue, 
p.  265,  1.  15:  ftanciende;  Judges,  Epilogue,  p.  265,  1.  13: 
vnlniende. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (38). 

I.  Without  an  Object  (38). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (11)  : — 


210  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

NPM.  (3) : — Num.  15.  44  :  Hig  swa  Seah  ablende  beotlice 
astigon  =  At  illi  contenebrati  ascenderunt. — Other  examples  : 
— Ex.  1.  72:  gestrangode  =  roborati  ;  Num.  16.  33:  ofhrorene 
=  operti. 

ASM.  (3) : — Gen.  22.  13  :  geseah  'Sser  anne  ramm  betwux 
•Sam  bremelum  be  'Sam  hornum  gehceft=  viditque  .  .  . 
arietem  inter  vepres  hcerentem  cornibus  (or  pred.?). — Other 
examples: — Ex.  9.  24:  hagol  wrS  fyr  gemenged  =  mista ; 
Ex.  29.  23  :  gesprengedne  =  conspersce. 

ASN.  (2):— Ex.  12.  8  :  And  eton  ealle  iSset  flassc  on  fyre 
gebrcedd  =  Et  edent  carnes  nocte  ilia  assets  igni : — Ex.  12. 
9  :  gesoden  =  coctum  aqua. 

APM.  (1): — Levit.  2.  4:  Bring  clsene  ofenbacene  hlafas 
mid  ele  geasmirede  =  panes  conspersos  oleo. 

APN.  (2):— Ex.  31.  18:  He  sealde  Moise  twa  stamene 
wexbreda  mid  godes  handa  agrafene  =  duas  tabulas  lapideas 
scriptas  digito  dei ;  Gen.  41.  6  :  forscruncene  =  percussae. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
finite  verb,  which  finite  verb  is  usually  subordinate  or 
is   in    immediate   connection    with    an   appositive   participle 

(1):- 

NSN.  (1): — Judges  16.  4:  Hine  beswac  swa  Seah  sifrSan 

an   wif,  Dalila  gehaten  =  Post  hsec  amavit   mulierem,  quce 

vocabatur  Dalila. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
prepositional  phrase  (2) : — 

NPM.  (2)  :— Ex.  12.  191&2:  ne  ete  ge  nan  Sing  onhafenes, 
ne  utan  cymene  ne  innan  lande  geborene  =  tarn  de  advenis 
quam  de  indigents  terrae. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
substantive  in  the  ablative  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1): — Judges  13.  2  :  An  man  wses  eardigende  on 
Israhela  'Seode,  Manue  gehaten  =  Erat  autem  quidam  vir 
nomine  Manue. 

5.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adjective  (1) : — 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       211 

NPM.  (1) : — Ex.  4.  31  :  and  hig  gebsedon  hig  to  gode 
nywel  astrehte  on  eorSan  =  et  proni  adoraverunt. 

6.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  exact  Latin 
correspondence  (22) : — 

NSM.  (5):— Num.  22.  27  :  afirht  (or  pred.?);  Judges  16. 
5:  bepceht ;  Judges  4.  14  :  gebyld ;  Judges  4.  17  :  geegsod; 
Judges  (Epilogue),  p.  265,  1.  1  :  gehaten. 

NSF.  (1):— Gen.  21.  6:  ofwundrod. 

NSN.  (1):— Num.  16.  34:  afirht. 

NPM.  (3):— Gen.  14.  10:  afirhte  ;  Gen.  19.  1  :  asende ; 
Judges  6.  2  :  gewcehte. 

DSM.  (4)  : — Judges  6.  1  :  $arn  .  .  .  leodscipe  Madian  ge- 
cweden ;  Judges  4.  2:  sumuru  .  .  .  cininge  Iabin  gehaten; 
Judges  16.  23:  heora  gode,  Dagon  gehaten;  Judges  (Epi- 
logue), p.  264,  1.  32 :  on  -5am  miclan  ea,  Euf rates  ge- 
haten. 

DSF.  (1) : — Judges  16.  1  :  to  anre  birig,  Gaza  gehaten. 

DPM.  (1) : — Judges  16.  7:  mid  seofon  rapum  of  sinum 
geworhte. 

ASM.  (6) :— Josh.  10.  33  :  -gone  o-Serne  kyning  Hiram 
gehaten.  So:  Judges  4.  6,  4.  7,  6.  14,  11.  1.— Gen.  19.  24  : 
god  sende  .  .  .  renscur  mid  swefle  gemencged. 

II.   With  an  Object  (0). 
No  example. 

ANGLO-SAXON    HOMILIES    AND    LIVES 
OF    SAINTS,    I.    (89). 

A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (49). 

I.    Without  an  Object  (25). 

NSM.  (5)  : — 3.  105  :  Be  $arn  sang  se  witega  -Sisum 
wordurn  cweftende.  So:  4.  41. — Other  examples: — lybbende: 
1.  87,  9.  195;  3.  78  :  secgende  ftisurn  wordum. 


212  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

NSF.  (2): — 1.  24:  Deos  is  seo  halige  Srynnys,  fte  ealle 
•Sing  gesceop,  on  anre  godcundnysse  aefre  wunigende. — So : 
3.  130. 

NSN.  (2):— 3.  437:  Sura  .  .  .  wif .  .  .  his  fet  aSwoh  and 
gelome  hi  cyste,  licgende  set  his  fotura  ;  9.  80  :  wunigende. 

NPM.  (11): — 6.  113:  ..  .  gif  we  her  nu  swincaft, feohtende 
mid  geleafan  wi"S  leahtras. — Other  examples  : — 9.  357  :  hly- 
dende ;  libbende:  7.  6,  9.  60 ;  9.  61  :  sioyltende  ;  truwigende: 
9.  88,  9.  3502;  wunigende:  3.  132,  3.  527,  6.  66,  9.  133. 

NPN.  (1):— 3.  324:  Seah  $e  hi  [=  msedenu]  clsene  beon 
on  msegfthade  lybbende. 

NP.  M.  or  F.  (1) :— 3.  12  :  lybbende. 

DPM.  (1) : — 7.  151  :  [mete]  heora  selce  dsege  com  edniwe 
of  heofenum  xl  wintra  fyrst  on  &m  wsestene  farende. 

ASM.  (1): — 9.  330:  ac  .  .  .  he  asende  me  ongean  on  his 
sige  blissigende  and  on  eowre  alysednysse. 

APM.  (1) :— 9.  103  :  god  hi  $a  gelsedde  .  .  .  ealle  ofer  $a 
.  .  .  sse,  sv&igende  be  "Sam  grunde. 

II.  With  an  Object  (24). 

NSM.  (4) : — 1 .  304 :  se  . .  .  lareow  lserde  us  'Sus  cweftende. — 
Other  examples: — 4.  55:  secende ;  secgende:  3.  181,  3.  531. 

NSF.  (3) : — 8.  176  :  heo  .  .  .  fseste,  biddende  set  gode,  'Sset 
etc. — Other  examples: — 9.  318:  cweftende;  9.  417:  fteo- 
wigende  (w.  dat.). 

NSN.  (2) : — 9.  Ill  :  ©set  godes  folc  'Sa  eode  upp  be  "Sam 
grunde,  herigende  heora  drihten  ;  3.  479  :  singende. 

NPM.  (14) : — 5.  75  :  reaferas  urnon  geond  'Sa  burh  mete 
gehwser  secende.  So:  9.  366. — Other  examples: — 9.  82: 
abugende;  biddende:  9.  59,  9.  72;  9.  162:  cweftende ;  1.  901 
(foot-note) :  fyligende  (w.  dat.);  7.  145:  herigende;  1.  902 
(foot-note):  Icerende ;  2.  142:  strynende ;  Seowigende  (w. 
dat.):  2.  185,  204,  220;  9.  451. 

APM.  (1) : — 2.  117:  Iohannes  .  .  .  geseah  Crist  standan 
and  $one  clsenan  flocc  mid  him,  huudteontig  ftusenda  and 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      213 

feower  and  feowertig  Susenda,  swrSe  hlude  singende  -Sone 
heofonlican  sang. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (40). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (40). 

NSM.  (13): — 1.  67:  he  us  alysde  .  .  .  mid  his  agenurn 
dea$e,  on  rode  ahangen. — Other  examples  : — 7.  28  :  amend  ; 
gehaten:  5.  9;  8.  2,  78,  127;  9.  193;  8.  268:  gehathyrt ;  9. 
194  :  gelyfed;  7.  23  :  ifcestnod ;  ihaien:  7.  214,  287  ;  7.  288  : 
ilyfed. 

NSF.  (3)  : — 9.  207  :  heo  freste  symle  buton  on  freolsdagum, 
mid  haeran  gescryd  to  hire  lice  sefre. — Other  examples  : — 7. 
61  :  aftwogen;  3.  27  :  gesceapen. 

NSN.  (4)  : — 3.  349  :  Iacobes  wif,  Rachel  geciged,  twentig 
wintra    wunode    etc. — Other    examples: — 3.    334:   gehaten; 

8.  149:  tostenced ;  3.  95:  ungewemmed. 

NPM.  (11):— 1.  43,  44:  hi  forleton  his  hlafordscipe  ealle 
swySe  unwislice,  fram  him  ascyrede  mid  andan  afyllede.  So 
afyUede:  8.  110.— Other  examples  :— 1.  81  :  aroerde;  9.  58  : 
fornumene;  9.  2:  gecweden ;  3.  293:  gelcerede ;  3.  295: 
gemartirode ;  3.  38  :  ofslagene  (or  pred.  ?);  2.  213  :  onbryrde; 

9.  69  :  ymbtrymde. 

NPF.  (1) : — 7.  302  :  Twa  bee  beo"S  isette  .  .  .  machabeorum 
ihatene. 

DSM.  (1) : — 3.  25  :  And  eac  his  godcundnyss  wses  on  -Srere 
menniscnysse  to  auum  so'San  Criste  of  hyre  acenned,  sefre 
unbegunnen  on  Seere  godcundnysse. 

DSF.  (1) : — 2.  114:  on  his  gastlican  gesihSe,  Apocalipsis 
gehaten. 

DSN.  (1) : — 3.  362  :  mid  his  wife,  Elisabeth  genamod. 

ASM.  (4) : — 3.  332  :  behet,  $set  hi  habban  sceoldon  sunu, 
Isaac  gehaten.     So:  9.  46;  ihaten:  7.  49,  292. 

ASF.  (1) : — 9.  9  :  towsende  se  cyning  heora  .  .  .  burh, 
Hierusalem  gehaten. 


214  MORGAN    CALLAWAY,   JR. 

II.   With  an  Object  (0). 

No  example. 

ANGLO-SAXON    HOMILIES    AND    LIVES 
OF    SAINTS,    II.    (22). 

A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (16). 

I.   "Without  an  Object  (11). 

NSM.  (2)  :— 15.  353  :  ic  hit  unwillende  do  ;  10.  90  : 
scamiende. 

NSF.  (6): — 18.  25:  swilce  heo  dweliende  Cycler  come. 
So:  18.  29. — Other  examples: — 10.  181:  geomriende ;  we- 
pejide:  10.  100,  10.  180;  18.  32  :  woperiende. 

NPF.  (1): — 15.  51:  hire  fostermoder  hi  het  gan  mid 
oSrum  fsemnum  on  feld,  sceap  to  hawienne,  and  hi  swa 
dydo[n]  spinnende. 

APM.  (2): — 15.  2421&2:  Sume  ic  skepende  beswac  and 
snme  eac  wacigende  =  19.  265:  Et  cum  donniunt,  venio 
super  eos  et  excito  illos  a  somno. 

II.   With  an  Object  (5). 

NSM.  (4):— 15.  52:  Da  ferde  Olibrius  to  Anthiochiam, 
axiende  etc.;  cweSende:  18.  57,  80,  109. 

DSM.  (1) : — 11.  16  :  Audiens  ex  ore  meo  sermonem  meum, 
adnuntiabis  eis  ex  me,  non  ex  te.  ©set  is  on  urum  ge"Seode : 
Of  minum  mu$e  gehlystendum  [for  gehlystende  by  attraction 
to  mwSef]  ftu  bodast  hym  mine  sprsece  of  me,  uses  of  $e. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (6). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (5). 

NSM.  (1) : — 15.  12  :  wees  sum  hseSen  cyningc,  Theodosius 
gehaten. 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       215 

NSF.  (1): — 15.  44:  heo  cwseS  :  ic  com  -Sin  -Seowa  [sic!~\ 
clsena  and  ungewcemmed. 

NSN.  (1) : — 16.  55 :  hig  hyru  dryncan  sealdon,  -Sset  wses 
wyn  and  eced  gemenged  togsedere. 

NPM.  (1): — 12.  45:  hwilum  willes,  hwilum  geneadode 
gewuniaS  of  to  drincanne. 

ASF.  (1) : — 15.  45  :  De  ic  me  betsece  ungewaemmode. 

II.    With  an  Object  (1). 

NSM.  (1): — 17.  23:  ic  earn  of  Grecane  rice  and  ic  of 
Iudean  wses,  "San  Pontisscen  Pilate  under'Seodd. 

Note:  Latin  Participles. — Latin  participles  occur  in  11.  16 
(quoted  under  dative  above),  in  13.  13  (sciens  =  $a  wiste  se 
hselend),  in  13.  59  (sciens  =  He  wiste),  and  in  18.  68  (et 
videos  filium  etc.  =  no  A.-S.  equivalent).  Again  in  no.  19, 
which  is  entirely  in  Latin  and  which  is  the  basis,  though  not 
the  literal  equivalent,  of  no.  15  (Anglo-Saxon),  about  55 
appositive  participles  occur ;  but,  as  no  one  of  these  is  trans- 
lated by  an  appositive  participle  in  Old  English,  it  seems 
unnecessary  to  cite  them. 


GOSPELS1    (280). 
A.— THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (237). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (115). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (107) : — 

NSM.  (52)  :— L.  23.  5a  &  b :  he  astyraS  "Sis  folc,  Icerende  Surh 
ealle  iudeam  agynnende  of  [gal ilea  o$  hvder]  =  Commovet 
populum  docens  per  universam  Judeam,  incipiens  a  Galilsea 
usque  hue. — Other  examples  : — L.  23.  14  :  ahsiende  =  inter- 
rogans ;  L.  24.  12a:  alutende  =  procumbens ;  andswari(g)ende 
=  respondens:  Mat.  11.  25,  20.  13;  Mk.  9.  12,  10.  24,  11. 
22,  13.  5,  14.  48  ;  Luke:  4.  12,  5.  5,  5.  22,  7.  40,  13.  2,  14. 


216  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

5,  15.  29,  17.  17  ;  Mk.  1.  35  :  arisende  =  surgens  ;  L.  5.  3a : 
astigende  =  adscendens;  Mk.  7.  34  :  behealdende  =  suspiciens ; 
L.  3.  18  :  bodigende  =  exhortans  ;  Mk.  1.7:  bugende  =  pro- 
cumbens ;  clypiende  =  damans :  Mk.  15.  39,  L.  23.  46a;  ib. 
—  exclamans:  Mk.  1.26b;  Mat.  12.44:  cumende  =  veniens  ; 
Mk.  9.  20:  fcemende  =  spumans ;  Mat.  4.  9:  feallende  = 
cadens ;  gangende  =  ambulans :  Mat.  14.  25  (or  pred.?), 
Mk.  6.  48  (or  pred.?) ;  ib.  =  transiens,  L.  12.  37  ;  L.  15.  5  : 
geblissiende  =  gaudens  ;  Mk.  1.31:  genealcecende  =  accedens; 
hrymende  =  damans :  Mk.  5.  5  (or  pred.?),  5.  7;  ib.=  ex- 
damans  :  Mk.  9.  26a,  L.  8.  28  ;  ingan(c)gende  =  ingressus  : 
Mk.  1.  21,  L.  1.  28;  Icerende  =  doeens :  Mat.  4.  23,  9.  35a, 
Mk.  12.  35;  L.  17.  24:  lyhtende  =  coruscans ;  L.  5.  3b : 
sittende  =  sedens;  Mk.  7.  33  :  spcetende  =  exspuens;  L.  4.  39 : 
standende  =  stans  ;  Mk.  15.  30  :  stigende  =  descendens  ;  L. 
1.  78  :  upspringende  =  oriens  ;  idgangende  =  egressus :  Mk. 
1.  45,  L.  4.  42. 

NSF.  (3) : — L.  2.  38  :  And  -Seos  -Ssere  tide  becumende 
drihtne  andette  =  Et  hsec,  ipsa  "bora  superveniens,  confite- 
batur  Domino. — Other  examples: — L.  2.  19:  smeagende  = 
conf evens  ;  L.  2.  37  :  fteowigende  =  serviens. 

NSN.  (4):— Mk.  5.  33a&b:  Ba3t  wif  Sa  ondrcedende  & 
forldigende  com  &,  astrehte  hi  =  Mulier  vero  tlmens  et  tremens 
.  .  .  venit  et  procidit ;  gangende  =  introiens :  Mk.  7.  15,  7.  18. 

NPM.  (30): — Mk.  15.  31:  heahsacerdas  bysmriende  be- 
tvvux  3am  bocerum  cwsedon  =  sacerdotes  illudentes  .  .  . 
dicebant. — Other  examples  : — Mk.  7.  1 :  cumende  =  venientes; 
L.  22.  65:  dysigende  =  blasphemantes ;  L.  2.  16:  efslende  = 
festinantes ;  Mk.  16.  20:  farende  =  profecti ;  gangende  = 
intrantes,  Mat.  2.  11  ;  ib.  =incedentes,  L.  1.  6;  gehyrende  = 
audientes:  Mat,  13.  13b,  Mk.  4.  12b,  L.  8.  10b ;  geseonde 
=  videntes:  Mk.  4.  12a,  L.  8.  10a;  Mk.  11.  24  :  gymende  = 
orantes ;  Mat.  9.  27:  hrymynde  =  damantes ;  Mat.  12.  45: 
ingangende  =  intrantes  ;  Mat,  5.  11  :  leogende  —  mentientes  ; 
lotiende  —  videntes :  Mat,  13.  13a,  13.  14;  L.  2.  48:  sari- 
gende]=  dolentes  ;  Mat.  27.  36:  sittende  =  sedentes  ;  Mat,  17. 


THE   APPOSITIVE    PAETICIPLE   IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       217 

3:  sprecende  =  loquentes ;  Mat.  6.  5  :  standende  =  slanies ; 
Mk.  6.  32:  stigende  =  adscendentes ;  L.  5.  5  :  swineende  = 
laborantes  ;  utgcmgende  (iitgangynde)  =  exeunles:  Mat.  8.  28, 
9.  31,  Mk.  3.  6,  6.  12;  L.  20.  26  :  wundrigende  =  mirati  ; 
L.  22.  44  :  yrnende  =  decurrentis. 

NPN.  (1) :— Mat.  8.  32  :  big  [=$a  deofla]  $a  utgangende 
ferdon  on  "5a  swin  =  At  i  11  i  exeuntes  abierunt  in  porcos. 

NDM.  (1):— L.  24.  17:  hwset  synt  $a  spseca  3e  gyt 
recceab  inc  betwynan  gangendef  =  Qui  sunt  hi  sermones 
quos  confertis  ad  invicem  ambulantes  f 

GPM.  (1): — L.  18.  7  :  So-Slice  ne  deft  God  his  gecorenra 
wrace  clypiendra  to  him  daeges  &  nihtes  =  Deus  autem  non 
faciet  vindictam  electorum  suoruni  clamantium  ad  se  die 
ac  nocte. 

GPN.  (1) : — L.  8.  32  :  And  -gar  wees  micel  heord  swyna 
on  'Sam  munte  Icesiendra  =  Erat  .  .  .  grex  porcorum  .  .  . 
pascentium  in  inonte. 

DSN.  (1) : — Mat.  1 3.  47b :  Eft  is  heofena  rice  gelic  asendum 
nette  on  ^a  sa3  &  of  selcum  fisc-cynne  gadrigendum  = 
Iterum  simile  est  regnum  caelorurn  sagena?  missaB  in  mare,  et 
ex  omni  genere  piscium  congreganti. 

DPM.  (5): — L.  6.  17  :  And  mid  him  farendum  he  stod 
on  feldlice  stowe  =  Et  descendens  cum  illis  stetit  in  loco 
campestri.  [Or  shall  we  emend  farendum  to  farende  in 
accordance  with  the  Latin  ?] — Other  examples  : — Mk.  9.  42  : 
gelyfendum  =  credentibus  ;  Mk.  16.  10a :  heofendum  =  lugen- 
tibus ;  Mat.  11.  16:  sltlendum  =  sedentibus ;  Mk.  16.  10b  : 
wependum  =  jientibus. 

DPN.  (2):— L.  7.  32a&b:  Hi  sint  gelice  cildum  on  straete 
sittendum  &  specendum  betvvux  him  =  Similes  sunt  pueris 
sedentibus  in  foro,  et  loquentibus  ad  invicem. 

ASM.  (4) : — Mk.  15.  21  :  &  genyddon  surane  wegferendne 
simonem  cireneum  cumende  of  &m  tune  .  .  .  'Sset  he  etc.  = 
Et  angariaverunt  prsetereuntem  quempiam,  Simonem  Cyre- 
nasum  venientem  de  villa  etc. — Other  examples: — J.  1.  9  : 


218  MORGAN   CALL  A.  WAY,   JR. 

cumendne  =  venientem ;  L.  17.  7a :  eregendne  =  arantem ; 
Mat.  9.  2  :  licgende  =  jacentem. 

ASN.  (1):— L.  6.  38b:  god  geraet  &  full  gebeapod  and 
oferfloivende  hig  syllaft  =  mensuram,  bonara  .  .  .  et  superef- 
fluentem  dahunt. 

APM.  (1): — Mat.  4.  24:  yfeihcebbende  =  male  habentes. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
finite  verb,  which  finite  verb  is  usually  subordinate  or 
is  in    immediate    connection    with    an    appositive    participle 

(2):- 

NSM.  (2):— Mk.  11.  17  :  &  he  Sa  Icerende  $us  cwjeS  = 

Et  docebat,  dicens  eis. — Mat.  26.  27a :  And  he  genam  "Sone 

calic  ftanciende  &  sealde  hym  ftus  cwe^ende  =  Et  accipiens 

calicem,  gratias  egit,  et  dedit  1 11  is,  dicens. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
gerund  in  the  ablative  (2) : — 

NSM.  (2) : — L.  15.  13  :  &  forspilde  "Sar  his  sehta,  lybbende 
on  his  gselsan  =  et  ibi  dissipavit  substantiam  suam  vlvendo 
luxuriose; — L.  12.  25:  ftencende  =  cogitando. 

4.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
prepositional  phrase  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1)  : — Mk.  9.  24  :  wepende  cwasft  =  cum  lacrymis 
aiebat. 

5.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
ablative  absolute  clause  (1)  : — 

NSM.  (1)  : — L.  6.  20 :  Da  cwseS  se  hselend  beseonde  to 
his  leorning-cnihtum  =  Et  ipse  elevatis  oculls  in  discipulos 
suos,  dicebat. 

6.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  corre- 
spondence (2) : — 

NSM.  (1):— Mk.  5.  40 :  He  .  .  .  ineode  swigende  (Hat. 
MS.)  "Sar  'Sset  mseden  wses  =  Ipse  .  .  .  ingreditur  ubi  etc. 

NSF.  (1): — L.  2.  51  :  And  his  modor  geheold  ealle  3as 
word  on  hyre  heortan  smeagende  =  Et  mater  ejus  conservabat 
omnia  verba  in  corde  suo.  [Cf.  L.  2.  19,  where  smeagende  = 
confer  ens.] 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       219 

II.   With  an  Object  (122). 

1.    An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (117) : — 

NSM.  (57):— Mk.  1.  41:.  &  his   hand   aSenode  &  hine 

cethrinende   [Hat.   MS.   sethrinede]   &  ftus  cwseS  =  extendit 

manum  suam,  et  lav  gens  eum,  ait   illi. — Mat.   10.  5a :   Das 

twelf  se  h.  sende,  him  bebeodende  =  Hos  duodecim  misit  J., 

prceoipiens  eis. — L.   3.  3  :    he    com    into   eall   iordanes   ricae 

bodiende  dsedbote  fulluht  &  synna  forgyfenesse  =  venit  in 

omnem  regionem  Iordanis,  pvazdicans  baptismnm  poenitentiee 

in  remissionem  peccatornm  (or  pred.?).     Sobodi(g)ende=prce- 

dicans  in  :  Mat.  9.  35b,  Mk.  1.  14  (or  pred.  ?) ;  =  evangelizans 

in  L.  8.  lb  (or  pred.  ?).— Mat.  9.  18:  &  ge-ea$medde  hyne 

to  him,  ftus  cwe^Sende  =  et  adorabat  eum,  dicens.     So  cwe&ende 

(cwe$ynde)=  dicens  in  :  Mat.  8.  6,  9.  29,  9.  30,  10.  5b,  13.  3, 

13.  31,  26.  27b,  26.  44,  27.  11;  Mk.  1.  15  (or  pred.?),  9.  25; 

L.  23.  46  ;  J.  1.  15,  1.  32.— Other  examples  :— L.  5.  13  (MS. 

A)  :   aftenigende  =  extendens  ;   behealdende  =  circumspiciens, 

Mk.  3.  34;  lb.  =intuilus,  Mk.  10.  21  ;  Mk.  14.  13  :  berende 

=  bajulans;  Mk.  3.  5a :  besceawiende  =  circumspiciens ;  Mk. 

10.  23  :   beseonde  hine  =  circumspiciens  (without  object) ; — 

biddende  =  rogans,  Mat.  8.  5;  ib.  =  deprecans,  Mk.  1.  40; 

bletsiende  =  benedicens,  Mk.  14.  22,   L.   1.  64;    Mk.  5.  £ 

ceorfende  =  concidens  (or  pred.  ?) ;  J.  6.  6  :  fandigende  his  = 

tentans  eum  ;  Mk.  8.  13  :  forlcetende  =  dimittens ;  Mat.  9.  12  : 

gehyrende  =  audiens ;  geseonde  =  videns,  Mk.  9.  15a,  L.   1. 

12  (no  obj.  in  Latin) ;  L.  14.  7  :  gymende  =  intendens  ;  hceb- 

bende  =  habens :  Mk.  3.  1,  9.  47,  L.  4.  33,  7.  8b;  Mat.  9. 

35°:   hazlende  =  curans ;   L.   17.   15:    mcersiende  —  magniji- 

cans ;  L.  4.  40  :  onsellende  =  imponens ;  L.  8.  la :  prediciende 

=  prwdicans  (or  pred.?);  secende  =  qucerens :  Mat.   12.  43, 

L.  11.  24,  13.  7  (or  pred.?); — L.  3.  16  :  secgende  =  dicens ; 

Mk.  10.  16:  seltende  =  imponens  ;  slitende  =  discerpens,  Mk. 

1.  26a,  9.  26b;  ib.  =  scindens,  Mk.  14.  63;  L.  10.  30:  upbe- 

seonde  hine  =  suscipiens  (no  object) ;  L.  18.  43  :  wuldrigende 


220  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

=  magnificans ;  L.  24.  12b  :  wundrigende  "Sees  =  mirans 
quod  (or  pred.?). 

NSF.  (4):— Mat.  20.  20a&b:  Da  com  to  him  zebedeis 
bearna  modor  mid  hyre  beam  urn  big  ge-eadmedende  &  sum 
ftingc  fram  him  biddende  =  Tunc  accessit  .  .  .  mater,  adorans 
et  petens  aliquid  ab  eo. — Other  examples  : — J.  11.  28:  cive- 
ftende  =  dicens  ;  Mk.  3.  8  :  gehyrende  =  audientes. 

NSN.  (3) : — L.  2.  23  :  3a3t  selc  wsepned  gecynd-lim 
ontynende  by$  drihtne  halig  genemned  =  Quia  omne  mascu- 
linum  adaperiens  vulvam,  sauctum  Domino  vocabitur. — 
Other  examples: — Mk.  7.  19  :  -clcensigende  =  purgaiis ;  L.  7. 
29a  :  gehyrende  =  audiens. 

NPM.  (36):— Mk.  1.  5:  &  wteron  .  .  .  gefullode  .  .  ., 
hyra  synna  andetende  (MS.  A.)  =  et  baptizabantur  .  .  .,  con- 
fitentes  peccata  sua. — Other  examples  : — Mk.  6.  55  :  befarende 
=  percurrentes  ;  Mk.  2.  3:  berende  =  ferentes  (or  pred.?); 
L.  24.  53b :  bletsigende  =  benedicentes  (or  pred.?);  Mat.  19. 
3 :  costnigende  hine  =  lentantes  eum ; — cweftende  =  dicentes  in : 
Mat.  6.  31,  8.  25,  9.  27,  10.  7,  10.  12,  12.  10,  12.  38,  27.  23, 
27.  29,  Mk.  3.  11,  J.  11.  31  ; — demende  =  judicantes :  Mat. 
19.  28,  L.  22.  30  (or  both  pred.?) ;  fandi{g)ende  his  =  tentantes 
eum:  Mk.  10.  2,  J.  8.  6  ;  L.  24.  52:  gebiddende  —  orantes 
(no  obj.  in  Latin);  L.  6.  35:  gehihtende  =  sper antes ;  ge- 
hyrende =  audientes:  L.  4.  28,  8.  15;  L.  20.  11  :  gewoscende 
=  afficientes ;  Mk.  7.  3:  healdende  =  tenentes ;  heriende  (her- 
gende)  =  laudantes:  L.  2.  20b  (or  pred.  ?),  24.  53a  (or  pred.  ?); 
L.  20.  47  :  hiwgende  =  simulantes;  secende  =  qucerentes :  Mat. 
12.  16,  12.  47,  L.  11.  54  ;  ib.  =  requirentes :  L.  2.  45  ;  Mk.  7. 
13:  toslitende  =  rescindentes ;  L.  23. 10:  wregende  —  accusantes 
(or  pred.?);   L.  2.  20a :  wuldriende  =  glorijicantes  (or  pred.?). 

NPF.  (3): — Mat.  9.  33:  $a  menigeo  wundredon  civeftende 
=  miratse  sunt  turbse,  dicentes. — Other  examples: — Mat.  15. 
31a:  geseonde  =  videntes;  Mat.  15.30:  hcebbende  =  habentes. 

NPN.  (4) :— Mat.  8.  31  :  Sa  deofla  soSlice  hyne  bsedon, 
$us  cweftende  =  Dsemones  autem  rogabant  eum,  dicentes.  So 
cweftende  =  dicentia  in  L.  4.  41\ — Other  examples :  L.  4. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.       221 

41a:  hrymende  =  clamantia  ;  Mat.  27.  55:  ISenigende  hiin  = 
ministrantes  ei. 

NP.  M.  or  N.  (1) :— L.  23.  49  :  cirSan  &  wif  geseonde  = 
videntes. 

NDM.  (1):— Mk.  11.  5:  Hwset  do  gyt  Sone  folan  unti- 
gende?  =  Quid  facitis  solventes  pullum  ? 

DSM.  (2) : — L.  6.  48  :  He  ys  gelic  timbriendum  men  his 
hus=  Siruilis  est  homini  csdificanti  domum.  Cf.  L.  6.  49: 
He  <is  gelic  "Sam  timbriendan  men  his  hus  ofer  $a  eorSan  = 
similis  est  homini  cedificcmti  domum  etc. 

DPN.  (1) : — L.  7.  32°:  Hi  synt  gelice  cildum  .  .  .  ewe&en- 
dum  =  Similes  sunt  pueris  .  .  .  dicentibus. 

ASM.  (5)  : — Mat.  8.  17  :  &et  wsere  gefylled  ftset  gecweden 
is  -Surh  esaiam  'Sone  witegan,  ftus  cweftende  =  Ut  adimplere- 
tur  quod  dictum  est  per  Isaiam  prophetam,  dicentem.  So 
cweftmde  =  dicentem  in  Mat.  12.  17,  27.  9. — Other  examples  : 
— Mk.  9.  17  :  hcebbende  =  habentem  ;  L.  17.  7b :  lcesgendne  = 
pasoentem. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
finite  verb,  which  finite  verb  is  generally  either  subordinate 
or  in  immediate  connection  with  an  appositive  participle 
(3):- 

NSM.  (1)  :— Mat.  14.  19  :  beseah  on  Sone  heofon  &  bletsi- 
gende  braec  -Sa  hlafas  =  adspiciens  in  ccelum  benedixit  et 
fregit  .  .  .  panes. 

NSF.  (1) : — L.  18.  5:  $e-lses  heo  set  neahstan  cume  me 
behropende  =  ne  in  novissimo  veniens  sugillet  me  (or  pred.  ?). 

NPM.  (1) :— Mk.  9.  15b :  &  hine  gretende  him  to  urnon  = 
et  accurrentes  salutabant  eum. 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  has  no  Latin  corre- 
spondence (2) : — 

NSM.  (1)  :— Mat.  22.  35  :  axode  hyne  &  fandode  hys  Sus 
cweftende  =  Et  interrogavit  eum  unus  ex  eis  legis  doctor, 
ten  tans  eum. 

NSF.   (1):— J.   12.   28:    Da   com    stefn    of  heofone  3us 
eweftende  =  Venit  ergo  vox  de  coelo. 
6 


222  MORGAN  CALLAWAY,   JR. 

B.  —  THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (43). 

I.  Without  an  Object  (36). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (34) : — 

NSM.  (14) : — Mk.  14.  51  :  Sum  iungling  him  fyligde  mid 
anre  scytan  bewcefed  nacod  &  hi  nanion  hine  =  Adolescens 
autem  quidam  sequebatur  enm  amictus  sindone  super  nudo. — 
Mk.  5.  30 :  he  cwseS  bewend  to  -Ssere  menigu  =  conversus  ad 
turbam  aiebat.  So  bewend  =  conversus:  L.  7.  9,  10.  23,  14. 
25,  23.  28. — Other  examples  : — Mk.  9.  20  :  forgnyden  = 
elisus;  Mk.  5.  4:  gebunden  =  vinctus;  Mat.  2.  22:  gemynegod 
•=  admonitus  ;  gesett  =  constitutus :  Mat.  8.  9,  L.  7.  8a ;  Mk. 
3.  5b :  geunret  =  contristatus ;  L.  22.  32  :  gewend  =  conversus; 
Mat.  25..  25  :  ofdrced  =  timens  (or  pred.?). 

NSF.  (1): — Mat.  14.  8:  Da  cwseS  heo  fram  hyre  meder 
gemyngod  —  At  ilia  prcemonita  a  matre  sua  .  .  .  inquit. 

NSN.  (2):— L.  11.  17  :  JElc  rice  on  hyt  sylf  todceled  by3 
toworpen  =  Omne  regnum  in  se  ipsum  divisum  desolabitur. — 
L.  10.  15  :  upahafen  =  exaltata. 

NPM.  (5): — L.  1.  74:  ftset  we  butan  ege  of  ure  feonda 
handa  alysede  him  fteowian  =  Ut  sine  timore,  de  manu  .  .  . 
liberati}  serviamus  illi. — Other  examples : — gefullode  (gefuttede) 
=  baptizati,  L.  7.  29b,  7.  30  ;  L.  9.  31  :  gesewene  =  visi ;  Mat. 
7.  6  :  gewende  =  conversi. 

NPN.  (1):— Mat.  26.  47  :  «a  com  iudas  ...  &  micel  folc 
mid  hym  mid  swurdum  &  sahlum  asende  fram  .  .  .  ealdrum 
^  ecce  Judas  .  .  .  venit,  et  cum  eo  turba  multa  cum  gladiis 
et  fustibus,  missi  a  principibus  etc. 

DSN.  (1) :— Mat.  13.  47a :  Eft  is  heofena  rice  gelic  asendum 
nette  on  $a  sse  =  Iterum  simile  est  regnum  coelorum  sagena? 
missce  in  mare. 

ASM.  (7): — Mk.  16.  6:  ge  secaft  "Ssene  nazareniscan  hse- 
lend  ahangenne  =  Jesum  quseritis  Nazarenum,  crucifixum. — 
Other  examples  : — Mat.  27.  37  :  awritenne  =  scriptam  ;  Mk. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       223 

15.  17:  awundenne  =  pleclentes  ;  Mk.  15.  15:  beswungenne 
=  ccesum ;  L.  23.  16:  gebelne  =  emendatum;  Mat.  27.  16: 
gehceftne  =  vinctum  ;  L.  7.  25  :  gescryddne  =  indutum. 

ASF.  (1):— L.  22.  12:  he  eow  betsecS  mycele  healle 
gedcefle  =  ipse  ostendet  vobis  coenaculum  magnum  .stratum. 

ASN.  (2) : — L.  6.  38  :  god  gemet  &  full  geheapod  .  .  .  hig 
syllaS  =  mensuram  bonam,  et  confertam  et  coagitatam  .  .  . 
dabunt ;  Mat.  27.  34  :  gemenged  =  mixtum. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
finite  verb,  which  finite  verb  is  usually  subordinate  or  in 
immediate  connection  with  an  appositive  participle  (1): — 

ASM.    (1): — L.    20.    15:    hig    hine    of   -Sam  wingearde 

awurpon  ofslegene  =  eject um  ilium  extra  vineam  occiderunt 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adjective  (1) : — 

NSF.  (1):— L.  1.  28:  hal  wes  5u  mid  gyfe  gefylled  = 
Ave,  gratia  plena  (or  subst.  ?). 

II.    With  an  Object  (7). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (7) : — 

NSM.  (1) : — Mk.  9.  31 :  &  of  slag  en  -Sam  -Sriddan  deege 
he  arist  =  et  occisus  tertia  die  resurget. 

DSF.  (1): — L.  1.  27:  wa?s  asend  gabriel  ...  to  bewed- 
dudre  fsernnan  anum  were  ftses  nama  wees  iosep  =  ...  ad 
virginem  desponsatam  viro  cui  nomen  erat  J. 

ASM.  (3): — Mat.  11.  8:  oSSe  hwi  eode  ge  ut  geseon 
mann  hnescum  gyrlum  gescrydnef  =  Sed  quid  existis  videre? 
hominem  mollibus  vestitumf  So  gescrydne  =  indutum:  L.  23. 
11 ;  Mk.  16.  5  :  oferivrohne  =  co-opertum. 

ASN.  (1) : — Mat.  11.7:  Hwi  eode  ge  ut  on  wesften  geseon 
winde  awegyd  hreod?  =  Quid  existis  in  desert  urn  videre? 
arundinem  vento  agitatamf 

APM.  (1)  :— Mat.  4.  24 :  hi  brohton  him  ealle  yfel- 
hsebbende,  missenlicum  adlum  &  on  tintegrum  gegripene  = 


224  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

obtulerunt   ei   omnes    male   habentes,   variis  languoribus  et 
tormentis  comprehensos.       

Note :  Examples  of  Participles  hitherto  cited  as  Appositive. 

A.  Erdmann  (p.  26)  considers  bebeodende  appositive  in 
Matthew  11.1  (hyt  woes  geworden  "Sa  se  hcelynd  %ys  ge-endude 
hys  twelf  leorning-cnihtum  bebeodende  he  for  ftanun  =  factum 
est,  quum  consummasset  Jesus  prozcipiens  duodecim  discipulis 
suis,  transiU  inde),  and  that  %ys  is  the  object  of  bebeodende; 
while  Matzner  (in.,  p.  70)  and  March  (§  458)  seem  to  hold 
that  the  participle  here  is  used  substantially  and  is  the 
object  of  ge-endude.  To  me,  however,  neither  of  these  views 
seems  tenable ;  I  take  %ys  to  be  the  object  of  bebeodende  and 
the  participle  to  be  used  predicatively  after  the  intransitive 
verb  of  ending,  as  is  common  in  Greek  (cf.  Goodwin,  Gr. 
Grammar,  §  1578)  and  as  occurs  in  the  Greek  of  this  verse. 

Again,  Erdmann  (p.  28)  holds  that  gangende  is  appositive 
in  Luke  9.  34  (hi  ondredon  him  gangende  on  ¥>cet  genip  =  tim- 
uerv/nt,  irdrmdibus  ittis  in  nubem);  but,  as  I  have  since  tried 
to  show  (Abs.  Ptc.  in  A.S.,  p.  13),  the  participle  is  more 
probably  a  crude  absolute  dative. 

According  to  Erdmann  (p.  28)  ahsiende  is  possibly  apposi- 
tive in  3Iark  9.  32  (hi  adredon  hine  ahsiende  =  timebant 
interrogate  eum),  while  Matzner  (in.,  p.  70)  and  March 
(§  458)  appear  to  look  upon  ahsiende  as  the  substantival 
object  of  adredon.  For  several  reasons,  however,  I  believe 
that  ahsiende  is  to  be  emended  to  ahsienne,  which  latter  is  the 
infinitive  object  of  adredon.  (1)  We  know  that  this  confu- 
sion] of  infinitive  and  participial  forms  occurs  in  the  Gospels 
(cf.  above  Mk.  1.  5,  where  I  give  MS.  A.'s  andetende  instead 
of  the  Corpus  anddetenne).  (2)  We  find  the  verb  ondixedan 
governing  an  inflected  infinitive  as  direct  object  (cf.  Mat.  1. 
20,  2.  22,  both  cited  by  Erdmann).  (3)  ahsienne  would 
correspond  better  with  the  infinitive  of  the  Latin  (and 
Greek)  than  would  ahsiende. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      225 

In  Luke  9.  55,  Professor  Bright,  following  MSS.  B.  and 
C,  reads  :  hine  beicend,  he  lug  ftreade  (=  conversus  increpavit 
illos),  in  which  case  beicend  would  be  appositive.  But,  as  we 
have  no  other  instance  in  the  Gospels  of  the  past  participle 
(beicend)  governing  an  accusative,  it  seems  better  to  read, 
with  the  remaining  MSS.,  beicende  (beicente).*  The  Lindisfarne 
and  Rushworth  Glosses  likewise  have  a  finite  verb  here.  For 
the  other  occurrences  of  bewend  in  the  Gospels,  see  NSM. 
under  B,  I.,  1  above. 

WULFSTAN     (28). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (9). 

I.   Without  an   Object   (3). 

NSM.  (1)  : — 244.  7a :  Sset  is  feeder  and  sunu  and  halig 
gast  and  is  an  soft  god  rixigende  and  gemende  ealra  his 
gesceafta  a  butan  ende. 

NPM.  (1) : — 295.  14 :  hi  sculon  fleonde  on  gefeohte  beon 
ofslagene. 

NPN.  (1) : — 236.  26  :  and  Sa  deoflu  wendon  seeamigende 
aweg. 

II.    With  an  Object  (6). 

NSM.  (5): — 199.  15:  be  ftam  awrat  Iohannes  .  .  .  Sus 
cweftende.  lb.  201.  8,  246.  11,  both  immediately  before  a 
Latin  quotation.  [Only  one  other  example  of  cweftende 
occurs  in  Wulfstan  (see  105.  30  under  NPM.).  Wulfstan 
translates  dieens  (dicentes)  twice  by  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb 
(60.  14,  87.  15)  and  once  by  a  subordinated  finite  verb  (87. 
18),  while  twice  he  leaves  it  untranslated  (31.  32,  77.  3).] — 
244.  7b :  Sset  is  feeder  and  sunu  and  halig  gast  and  is  an  soft 

*The  past  participle  must  however  certainly  be  allowed  to  govern  the 
accusative.  I  should  still  regard  hine  bewend  as  a  servile  translation  of 
conversus,  and  the  readings  of  Corp.  and  A.  as  representing  steps  in 
revision. — J.  W.  B. 


226  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

god  rixigende  and  gemende  ealra  his  gesceafta  a  butan  ende. — 
278.  9  :  and  on  "Sam  eahto'San  dsege  manna  gehwylc  ham 
ferde  mid  fulre  blisse  gode  selmihtigum  ftancjende  ftsere 
maerSe  (or  predicative?). 

NPM.  (1) : — 105.  30:    we  bine  senne  ofer  ealle  o'Sre  $ing 
lufja'S  and  wurSjafl  mid  gewissum  geleafan  aveftende  etc. 


B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (19). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (15). 

NSM.  (2): — 25.  19:  se  fte  ftsene  bryne  fturhfseHS  unbe- 
sencged  (or  pred.?) ;  26.  7  :  gemencged  (or  pred.?). 

NPM.  (7):— 133.  5a&b:  and  ge  tofesede  swrSe  afirhte  oft 
litcl  werod  earhlice  forbugaft  =  131.  23  :  et  animam  nestram 
tabe.scentem  faciam,  et  persequentnr  uos  inimici  uestri,  et 
fngietis  nnllo  ])ersequente. — 137.  18:  and  we  beoft  him 
"Sonne  fseringa  beforan  brohte  seghwanon  cumene  to  his 
ansyne. — Other  examples: — gehadode (gehadede) :  160.  1,181. 
29,^272.  21,  292.  30. 

ASF.  (5):— 263.  4,  5,  6a&b:  Seah  Se  $a  mihtegestan  and 
"Sa  ricestan  hatan  him  reste  gewyrcan  of  marmanstane  and  mid 
goldfrsetwum  and  mid  gimcynnum  eal  astcened  and  mid  seol- 
frenum  ruwuni  and  godwebbe  eall  qferwrigen  and  mid  deor- 
wyr<Snm  wyrtgemengnessnm  eal  gestreded  and  mid  goldleafum 
gestrewed  ymbutan  ;  163.  6  :  gewylede. 

AP.  M.  or  F.  (1):— 46.  7  :  wa  eow,  he  cwse$,  3e  lecgaft 
togsedere  hamas  and  ashta  on  unriht  begytene  on  seghwilce 
healfe. 

II.   With  an  Object  (4). 

NSM.  (1) : — 48.  3  :  and  forSam  he  sceal  drefan  dimne  and 
deopne  hellewites  grand,  helpes  bedceled. 

NPM.  (3):— 256.  12a-b'°:  ac  gewitaS  fram  me,  wuldre 
bcdcelcde,  freondum  afyrede,  feondum  betcehte  in  $am  hatan 
wylme  hellefyres. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PAKTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      227 

Note:  Latin  Participles  in  Wulfstan. — Thirty-four  Latin 
participles  occur  in  Wulfstan.  Of  these,  twelve  are  untrans- 
lated (adorantes,  175.  14;  audientes  (twice),  42.  29,  47.  12; 
dicens  (twice),  31.  32,  77.  3;  egressus,  87.  10;  eleuatus,  31. 
19;  placentem,  31.  28;  reatus,  63.  12;  respondens,  87.  12; 
scribentes,  43.  9;  sumentes,  30.  12);  twelve  are  translated  by 
a  subordinated  finite  verb  (accedens,  29.  11  ;  agnoscens,  29. 
15;  audiens,  190.  11;  dicentes,  87.  18;  fallens,  50.  19; 
habentes,  43.  15b;  ponentes  (twice),  42.  25,  26;  seiens,  248. 
9;  sperantes  (twice),  43.  15,  48.  6;  tabcscentes,  131.  30);  and 
nine  are  translated  by  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb  (dans,  29. 
21;  dicens  (twice),  60.  14,  87.  15;  faciens,  248.  10;  re- 
spondens (respondentes)  (thrice),  62.  3,  67.  23,  87.  16  ;  reuer- 
tentes  (twice),  44.  5,  49.  17). 


BENET1    (142). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (103). 

I.    Without  an  Object  (40). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (35) : — 

NSM.  (12) : — 95.  10  :  niwan  cumende  (text :  cumenne) 
aenig  to  gecyrrednesse  ne  si  him  eoelic  forgifen  infsereld  = 
Noviter  veniens  quis  ad  conversionem  non  ei  facilis  tribuatur 
ingressus.  So  cumende  =  veniens:  80.  6,  95.  13. — Other 
examples  : — 4.  8  :  forseonde  =  respuens  ;  36.  2b :  gangende  = 
ambxdans ;  116.  15:  gebetende  =  satisfaciens ;  114.  14:  ge- 
truwigende  =  conjidens ;  69.  5  :  ingangende  =  ingrediens ; 
68.  1:  luftcende  =  diligens ;  36.  2a  :  sittende  =  sedens ;  36. 
2C :  standende  =  stans  ;   57.  3b :  fturhtvunigende  =  persistens. 

NSF.  (1) : — 2.  11  :  utan  gehyran  .  .  .  clipiende  hweet  us 
myngie  stefn  =  audiamus  .  .  .  damans  quid  nos  ammo- 
neat  vox. 

NSN.  (1)  : — 9.  16  :  ftaet  forme  mynstermanna  'Saet  is 
mynsterlic  campiende  under  regule  o$$e  abbude  =  Primum 


228  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

coenobitarum  hoc  est  monasteriale  militans  sub  regula  vel 
abbate. 

NPM.  (13) : — 55.  7  :  arisende  softlice  to  godes  weorce  .  .  . 
gemedlice  tihtan  oSSe  laran  =  Surgentes  vero  ad  opus  dei 
invicera  se  moderate  cohortent.  So  arisende  (ariscende)  = 
surgentes:  55.  4,  81.  16. — Other  examples: — 24.  12: 
droh(ti)gende  =  degentes ;  106.  11:  forahrcedigende  =  pre- 
venientes ;  24.  1  lb  :  gangende  =  ambulantes ;  gecyrrende  = 
revertentes:  92.  14,  93.  2;  24.  10:  libbende  =  viventes ;  6. 
12  :  fturhwunigende  =  perseverantes  ;  utgangende  =  exeuntes: 
75.  5\  81.  12,  93.  1. 

NP.  M.  or  F.  (1)  : — 45.  7:  gebyriende  =  pertinentes. 

Note. — utgangendum  (in  66.  15:  ¥>a  utgangendum  =  egre- 
dientes)  is  either  absolute  or  substantive ;  in  the  latter  case 
read  "Sa  utgangendan. 

GSM.  (1) : — 25.  10  :  se  "Se  heortan  his  besceawaft  ceoriendes 
=  qui  cor  ejus  respicit  murmurantis. 

GPM.  (2) : — 69.  1  :  meosan  etenda  gebroftrum  (read  ge- 
6ro"Sra)  rsedinc  wana  beon  na  scell  =  Mensis  fratrum  edentium 
lectio  deesse  non  debet;  78.  12  :  idgangendre  =  exeuntium. 

DSM.  (1) : — 13.  9  :  "Sset  ahwenne  him  na  secge  syngendum 
=  nequaudo  illi  dicat  deus  <peccanti. 

DPM.  (1): — 118.  10:  us  asolcenum  -j  yfel  lybbendum  ~\ 
gimeleasum  scame  gescyndn}7sse  =  nobis  autem  .  .  .  male 
viventibus  .  .  .  rubor  confusionis  est. 

APM.  (2):— 21.  7:  ge-Sohtas  $a  yfelan  heortan  his  to 
becumende  (text  becumenne)  sona  to  christe  aslidan  =  Cogita- 
tiones  malas  cordi  suo  advenientes  mox  ad  christum  allidere. 
So  cumende  =  advenientes :  33.  5. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
adjective  (2) : — 

NSM.  (1) : — 61.  6  :  hordere  si  gecoren  of  gegsederunge  wis 
.  .  .  na  upahafen  [blank]  drefende  =  Cellarius  .  .  .  eligatur 
de  congregatione  sapiens  .  .  .  non  elatus  non  turbulentus. 

NPM.  (1) : — 11.  2:  $a  .  .  .  cumlrSiaft  sef're  worigende  *j 
nsefre  staSolfseste  =  qui  .  .  .  hospitantur  semper  vagi  et 
nunquam  stabiles. 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       229 

3.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
gerund  in  the  ablative  (3) : — 

NSM.  (3): — 61.  1 1  :  forseonde  hine  he  ne  gedrefe  =  non 
spernendo  euin  contristet.  [Of.  Benedict1  54.  14:  he  fteah 
mid  forseawennesse  hine  ne  geunrotsige.] — 114.  10a&b:  his 
unacumenlicnesse  se  $e  gewis  [blank]  3  gedafenlice  [blank] 
na  modigende  [text :  modigenne]  oftSe  wv&standende  [blank] 
=  impossibilitatis  sue  causas  ei  qui  sibi  preest  patienter  et 
oportune  suggerat,  non  supcrbiendo  aut  resistendo  vel  con- 
tradicendo.  [Cf.  Benedict1  128.  15,  16:  3a$t  he  eft  mid 
ge^ylde  on  gedafenre  tide  his  maegenleaste  his  ealdre  gecySe, 
he  no  -Seah  ua  wiftstande,  ne  mid  modignesse  ne  wi$cwe"3e.] 

Note  1 . — It  is  possible  to  construe  forseonde,  modigende, 
and  vnftstandende  above  as  appositive  participles,  but  it  is 
also  possible  that  they  may  be  used  here  precisely  as  the 
Latin  gerunds  are ;  that  is,  they  may  be  verbal  nouns  in  an 
oblique  case  instead  of  verbal  adjectives  in  the  nominative 
case.  Certainly  yrnende  in  the  following  is  a  verbal  noun  : 
Benet1  3.  15  :  .  .  .  n  "Sees  rices  healle  on  inne  gyf  we  wyllaS 
[blank],  butou  [blank]  mid  godum  dseduni  yrnende  nateshwon 
ne  bi3  becumen  ==  (In)  cujus  regni  tabernaculo  si  volumus 
habitare,  nisi  illuc  bonis  actibus  currendo  minime  perveuitur. 
[Cf.  Benedict1  3.  9  :  Natoftaeshwon  his  rices  eardung  biiS 
gefaren  buton  mid  gymeue  and  gehealdbiimnesse  godra  daeda; 
ofst  and  hradung  godra  weorca  is  to  -Saein  rice  weges  fsereld.] 
In  all  probability,  too,  onginnende  and  standende,  corre- 
sponding respectively  to  a  Latin  gerundive  and  gerund,  are 
verbal  nouns,  not  verbal  adjectives,  in  the  following : — 
Benet1 105.  5a&b :  sefter  endebyrdnesse  fta  $a  he  gesette  o$$e 
$a  -Sa  habbaS  $a  sylfan  gebro^ran  hi  ne  genealaecan  [blank] 
to  huselgange  to  on  *  sealmum  ginnende  on  choro  standende 
=  Ergo  secundum  ordines  quos  constituent  vel  quos  habue- 
rint  ipsi  fratres  si  [read  sic]  accedant  ad  pacem,  ad  commu- 
nionem,  ad  psalmum  imponendum,  in  choro  standum.     [Cf. 

*As  Logeman  (foot-note  to  p.  105)  says,  on  belongs  with  ginnende. 


230  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

Benedict1  115.  4,  5  :  ...  gauge  selc  sefter  cSruni  to  cosse,  to 
husle  and  be  ■San  on  chore  stande  and  sealmas  and  gehwylce 
■Senunga  beginne.~\ 

Note  2. — In  the  following  the  present  participle  that  corre- 
sponds to  a  Latin  gerund  in  the  ablative  seems  in  use  to  be  a 
pure  adverb: — Benet1  43.  4:  "Sset  is  Sset  sig  [blank]  sungen 
buton  antempne  teonde  sethwega  swa  swa  on  $am  sunnan  die 
dsege  =  id  est,  ut  sexagesimus  sextus  psalrnus  dicatur  sine 
antiphonasM&<ra/iettrio  mod  ice  sicut  dominica.  [Cf.  Benedict1 
37.  8  :  ]>set  is  -Sa3t  se  syxandsyxtigefta  seahn  .  .  .  sy  gecweden 
butan  antefene,  and  he  sy  on  swege  gelencged  hwsethwara 
ealswa  on  sunnandsege.] — Benet J  76.  3 :  "Sane  forSi  eallunga 
teonde  latlice  we  wyllaft  beon  gessed  =  quern  propter  hoc 
om nino  protrahendo  et  morose  volumus  dici.  [Cf.  Benedict1 
68.  9  :  'Sonne  we  eac  forSi  on  -Sam  sancge  lencgcv§.~\ 

II.    With  an  Object  (63). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (62) : — 

NSM.  (32):— 68.  1  :  sig  hus  cyte  ofer  hi  betseht  3  Sen 
adrcedende  [blank]  ^  lufiseude  =  sit  cella  super  se  deputata, 
et  servitor  timens  deum  et  diligens.  [Here  aud  occasionally 
at  other  places  deum  is  not  glossed,  perhaps  because  of  its 
familiarity.] — 34.  6  :  gelyfe  .  .  .  geeadmetende  hine  sylfne  = 
credat  .  .  .  humiliam  se. — Other  examples: — 29.  11  :  asmai- 
dand  (MS. :  asmaidan)  =  scrutans  (or  predicative?);  16.  8  : 
behiwiende  =  dissimulans ;  13.  8:  o"Srum  bodiende  =  aliis 
predicant* ;  104.  16:  brueende  (MS.:  brucenne)  anwealde  = 
uteris  potestate ;  111.  8:  donde  =  faciens ;  61.  7  :  drcedende 
(MS.  drcedenne)  =  timens;  31.16:  geefenlcecende  =  immitans; 
5.  3  :  gefytlende  =  compleas;  29.  3  :  gehealdende  =  custo- 
diens ;  gehyrende  =  audiens :  3.  1,  17.  14;  35.  2:  habbende 
=  hub ens ;  98.  11  :  hecddende  =  reservans ;  31.  10:  lujiende 
=  amans  ;  14.  14  :  mcengcende  tidum  tida  =  miscens  tempo- 
ribus  tempora  ;  109.  5:  nimende  =  sumens ;  2.  16:  secende 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE   IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       231 

=  queer ens  ;  28.  14:  secende  [sic  /]  =  ponens  ;  secgende  = 
dicens :  36.  5,  78.  10;  16.  9:  taliende  (MS.:  taliendre)  = 
pendens;  4.  7:  tihtende  (MS.:  tihende)  =  suadentem  ;  109.  2a  : 
ftencende  =  cogitans  ;  36.4:  wenende  =  existimans  ;  witende 
=  sciens:  15.  12,  19.  3,  57.  4a,  97.  5,  103.  14;  1.  8  : 
wiftciveftendc  lustum  =  abrenuntians  voluptatibus. 

NSF.  (1): — 98.  6:  $set  fers  eall  seo  gseder.ung  -Sriddan 
srSan  togefteodende  [text :  -e/irie]  mid  [blank]  =  Quern  ver- 
sum  omnis  congregatio  tertio  respondeat  adjungentes  gloria 
patri.  [The  A.-S.  has  nothing  corresponding  to  the  Latin 
respondeat.  Of  course,  the  A.-S.  participle  may  be  plural, 
as  the  Latin  one  is.] 

NSN.  (3) : — 27.  2  :  clypaS  us  gewritt  $set  godcunda  eala 
seccende  (=  secgende)  =  Clamat  nobis  scriptura  divina  fra- 
tres  dicens.  So  secgende  =  dicens :  30.  14. — 32.  7:  gesutuli- 
ende  =  ostendens. 

NPM.  (19) :— 5.  16  :  3  g[f fleonde  helle  wite  life  we  wyllaS 
becuman  to  'Sam  ecan  =  Et  si  fugienies  gehenne  jxenas  ad 
vitam   volumus   pervenire   perpetuam. — Other  examples  : — 
4.  11  :  ahwenende  (==  ah  wenende?)  =  existimantes ;  12.  14: 
forhicgende  =  contempnentes  ;  forhetende  =  relinquentes  :  23. 
16,  24.  1;  ib.  =  deserentes :   23.  17;    32.  12:  gefyllende  = 
adimplentes ;  24.  lla:  gehyrsumiende  (w.  dat.)  =  obedientes ; 
healdende=  servantes:  10.  9b;  ib.  =  observantes:  117.  16  ;  51 
10:  myiidigende  =  commonentes  ;  nimende  =  accipientes :  92 
7  ;  ib.  =  assumentes :  109.  16  ;    3.  16  :   secgende  =  dicentes  ; 
^Seowgende  (fteowiende)  (w.  dat.)  =  servientes :  11.  3,  67.  13 
109.  15b:    wenende  =  estimantes ;    witende  =  scienies  :    107 
12,   116.  4. 

GSM.  (3) : — 3i.  11  :  ftas  stefue  drihtnes  mid  daedum  ac  he 
geefenlsece  secgendes  =  sed  vocem  illam  domini  factis  imi- 
tetur  dicentis.  So  secgendes  =  dicentis,  57.  4b.  Cf.  109.  2b 
(Sencende  gesead  3aes  halgan  iacobes  secgende  =  cogitans 
discretionem  sancti  Jacob  dicentis.) 

GPM.  (1): — 111.  5:  swa  hwsenne  swa  geceost  [blank] 
mid  ge^eahte  [blank]  ond reed end ra  gode  etc.  =  quemcumque 
elegerit  abba  cum  consilio  fratrum  timentium  deum. 


232  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

DSF.  (1):— 3.  8:  est  [sic]  luftempre  [blank]  (-Siss)ere 
stefne  [blank]  gehv&gendre  la  ge  "Sa  leofestan  gebroSran  = 
Quid  dulcius  nobis  (ab  h)ac  voce  domini  invitantis. 

ASM.  (1):— 107.  7:  'Sset  [blank]  for  his  leahtrura  .  .  . 
geftafiendne  (text :  -enne)  had  mid  gelicum  ge^eahte  gif 
gecys'S  =  Quod  si  etiam  omnis  congregatio  vitiis  suis  .  .  . 
consentientem  personam  pari  eonsilio  elegerit. 

APN.  (1):— 26.  14:  higlista  [blank]  o$$e  idel  word 
[blank]  stirienda  .  .  .  we  .  .  .  fordernaft  =  Scurilitates  vero 
vel  verba  otiosa  et  risum  moventia  .  .  .  dampnamus. 

2.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
gerund  in  the  ablative  (1) : — 

NSM.  (1) : — 31.  5  :  ariende  =  parcendo. 


B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (39). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (30). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (30)  : — 

NSM.  (15): — 59.  6  :  fteah  $e  he  amansumad  hit  ne  gebet 
teartere  genealsece  iSrseiungan  =  etiam  si  excommunicatus  non 
emendaverit  acrior  ei  accedat  correptio. — Other  examples  : — 
100.  3  :  bepceht  (MS.  bepaslvS)  =  deceptus  ;  68.  lc ;  fidfremed 
=  sollicitus ;    77.    13:    geaslndrod  =  sequestratus ;    97.    17 
gebeden  =  rogatus  ;  107.  14:  gehadod  =  ordincUus ;  78.  14 
gehaten  =jussus  ;  104.  6  :  geminegod  =  ammoniius ;   54.  7b 
gtf&reat  =  eorreptus ;    2.    5:    geyrsod  =  irritatus ;    78.    11 
pro  afered  =  stratus;   12.  11  :   tolysed  =  absolutus ;   98.  17 
unscryd  =  exutus;  upahqfen  =  elatus:  59.  9,  61.  5. 

NSF.  (1) : — 36.  12  :  sona  to  ftsere  softan  lufan  godes 
becymft  to  ftsere  fidfremed  ut  seo  asend  ege  =  mox  ad 
karitatem  dei  perveniet  illam  que  perfeda  foras  mittit 
timorem. 

NSN.  (1): — 70.  17:  an  pund  awegen  genihtsumige  on 
dege  =  Panis  libera  una  propensa  sufficiat  in  die. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      233 

NPM.  (10) : — 10,  7 :  -Sa  on  senigum  regole  na  afandode 
vel  [sic]  o3Se  afundennessa  lareowas  .  .  .  lcogan  gode  .  .  . 
synd  acnawene  =  qui  nulla  regula  approbati  experientia 
magistri  .  .  .  mentiri  deo  .  .  .  noscuntur. — Other  examples  : — 
113.  9:  astreht  (MS.  :  astrehft)  =  prostrati;  44.  11  :  gecyrde 
=  conversi ;  10.  la :  gelcerde  =  docti ;  32.  14:  genydde  = 
angarizati ;  76.  10:  gesaviene  =  visi ;  75.  5a :  geselte  = 
positi :  10.  lb :  getyde  =  instruct i ;  10.  9a :  nexode  =  molliti ; 
109.  15a :  tobrcedde  =  inflati. 

ASM.  (2): — 118.  12:  Sysne  Sane  lsestan  acunnednesse 
regol  awrilenne  fylstendurn  criste  "bu  gefremme  =  hanc  mini- 
mam  inchoationis  regulam  discriptam  adjuvante  christo  per- 
ficias  ;  20.  10  :  gedonne  =factam. 

APF.  (1) :— 92.  15  :  [bjrec  $as  3a  «a  [blank]  beo"S  asende 
on  hra3gelhu.se  niman  3a  hi  gecyrrende  gtf&wagenu  Sara 
agenbringan  =  Femuralia  hi  qui  in  via  diriguntur  de  vesti- 
ario  accipiant  qui  revertentes  lota  ibi  restituant.  [Is  the  -u 
of  geSwagenu  due  to  lota,  and  is  geftwagenu  to  be  considered 
a  neuter  despite  the  gender  of  [6]rec  /] 

Note. — In  the  following,  gewunede  and  gedihte  appear  to 
be  used  as  adverbs: — 92.  16:  cuflan  ^  tonican  beon  o3er- 
hwilen  synd  gewunede  sunt  [sic]  habban  gethwigan  beteran  = 
Cuculle  et  tunice  sint  aliquanto  solito  quas  habent  modice 
meliores ;  40.  11:  sittendum  eallum  gedihte  -\  be  endebyrd- 
nysse  on  sceamolum  =  residentibus  cunctis  disposite  et  per 
ordinem  in  subselliis. 


II.   With  an  Object  (9). 

1.  An  A.-S.  appositive  participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  (9)  : — 

NSM.  (1) : — 54.  7a :  ^set  senig  of  Sam  on  sumere  fserunga 
tobrosd  modignesse  gif  brS  gemet  teallic  etc.  =  Quod  si 
quisque  ex  eis  aliqua  forte  infiatus  superbia  repertus  fuerit 
reprehensibilis  etc. 


234  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

GSF.  (1) : — 16.  7  :  S^et  be  na  Sset  an  nySerunga  sefwyrSe 
heorde  him  sylfan  befcestre  Solige  =  ut  non  solum  detrimenta 
gregis  sibi  commissi  non  patiatur. 

GPF.  (1) : — 16.  9  :  hasle  saule  him  sylfan  bifcestra  =  sal  li- 
tem animarum  sibi  commissarum. 

DSN.  (1):— 57.  3a:  ana  [blank]  to  weorce  [blank]  to  be- 
tcehtum  =  Solus  sit  ad  opus  sibi  injunctum. 

DPM.  (1)  : — 31.  1  :  ^  gif  fram  englum  [blank]  betehtum 
=  et  si  ab  angel  is  nobis  depulatis. 

DPN.  (1): — 75.  4:  on  Sam  sylfum  betcehtum  him  sylfum 
Singurn  =  in  assignato  sibi  cominisso. 

ASM.  (1): — 104.  4:  se  [blank]  regol  fram  decanum  oSSe 
fram  pravostum  him  sylfan  gesetne  gehealden  wite  =  qui 
tamen  regulam  a  decanis  vel  prepositis  sibi  constitutam 
servare  sciat. 

ASF.  (2): — 104.  15:  se  ne  abbod  gedrefe  befceste  him 
sylfum  heorde  =  Qui  abbas  non  conturbet  gregem  sibi 
commissam ;  62.  15:  him  betcehte  =  sibi  commissum. 


II.  — IN    THE    POEMS. 

A.— LONGER   POEMS. 

BEOWULF    (91). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (23). 

I.    Without  an  Object  (19). 

NSM.  (9) :— 2272  :  se  Se  byrnende  biorgas  seceS  ;  ib.  2569 
(or  pred.?);  815:  wses  gehwseSer  oSrum  lifigende  laS. — 
Other  examples: — 2219:  slcepende;  2235:  ftanchycgende ; 
2548:  unbyrnende ;  708:  wceccende;  2062:  wigende  (or 
lifigende  f) ;  2716:  wishycgende. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      235 

NSF.  (1):— 1953:  Sser  hio  siSSan  wel  .  .  .  lifgesceafta 
lijigende  breac. 

NPM.  (2): — 916:  Hwilura  flitende  fealwe  strsete  mearum 
mseton  ;  2850  :  hy  scamiende  scyldas  bseran. 

N.  Dual  M.  (1)  : — 535  :    Wit  "Sset  gecwaedon  cnihlwesende. 

DSM.  (2)  : — 1389  :  'Sset  brS  drihtguman  unlifgendum  sefter 
selest ;  1187  :  gif  he  -Sset  eal  gemon,  hwset  wit  to  willan  and 
to  worSruyndum  umbor-wesendum  ser  arna  gefreraedon  (or 
subst.  here  ?). 

ASM.  (3): — 2781:  ligegesan  wseg  hatne  for  horde,  hioro- 
weallende;  372:  Ic  hine  cirSe  cnihlwesende;  46:  'Se  hine  set 
frutrjsceafte  forS  onsendon  serine  ofer  y-Se  umbor  wesende. 

APM.  (1) : — 1581  :  slcepende  frset  folces  Denigea  fyftyne 
men. 

II.    With  Object  (4). 

NSM.  (3): — 2106:  gomela  Scilding  fela.  friegende  feorran 
rehte  (but  Kohler  considers  fela  an  adverb) ;  2350  :  for  -Son 
he  ser  fela  nearo  neftende  ni$a  gedigde;  1227  :  Beo  "Sti  suna 
minura  dsedum  gedefe  dream  healdende.  [Should  we  not 
write  dream-healdende,  as  Grein  does  in  his  Glossary  ? 
Cf.  dream-hozbbendra  in  Genesis  81.  Kohler  considers 
healdende  as  substantivized.] 

NPM.  (1) :— 1829  :  Gif  ic  Saat  gefricge  ofer  floda  begang, 
•Sset  'Sec  ymbesitteud  egesan  $ywaft,  swa  "Sec  hetende 
hwilum  dydon,  ic  $e  'Susenda  "Segna  bringe,  hselefta  to  helpe 
(or  a  substantivized  participle,  as  Kohler  holds). 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (68). 

I.  Without  an  Object  (18). 

NSM.  (9): — 1351  :  o$er  earmsceapen  on  weres  wsestmum 
wrseclastas  trsed  (may  be  considered  substantivized  as  by 
Kohler) ;  2569  :  Gewat  'Sa  byrnende  gebogen  scriSan  (or 
pred.  ?) ;  846  :  hu  he  .  .  .  on  nicera  mere  fsege  and  gefiymed 


236  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

feorhlastas  beer;  ib.  1370;  2852:  He  gewergad  sset ;  868: 
guma  gi/phkeden  or  attrib.  ?);  262  :  Wses  rain  feeder  folcum 
gecvSed,  se$ele  ordfrnma  Ecgfteow  haten  (may  be  pred.) ; 
1913:  Ceol  up  geSrang,  lyftgeswenced  on  lande  stod ;  2443: 
sceolde  hwa?3re  swa  Seah  seSeling  unwrecen  ealdres  linnan. 

NSF.  (2): — 614:  cwen  Hroftgares  .  .  .  grette  goldhroden 
gnraan  on  healle ;  ib.  1948. 

NSN.  (1): — 3012:  ac  •$ser  is  ma^ma  hord,  gold  iinrime 
grim  me  geceapod  (may  be  pred.). 

NS.  M.  or  N.  (1): — 3085:  Hord  is  gesceawod,  grimme 
gegongen. 

NPM.  (1): — 1819:  we  sselrSend  secgan  wyllaft,  feorran 
cumene,  ftset  etc. 

NPN.  (2) : — 59  :  Bseni  feower  beam  forS  gerimed  in 
woruld  wocun. — Other  examples:  —  3049:  fturhetone  (or 
pred.  ?). 

DSM.  (1): — 1479:  ^set  ftu  me  a  wsere  forftgewitenum  on 
feeder  stsele  (cf.  Abs.  Ptc.  in  A.S.,  p.  16). 

APF.  (1) : — 1937  :  ac  him  waelbende  weotode  tealde,  hand- 
gewrv&ene. 

II.   With  an  Object  (50). 

NSM.  (27): — 1113:  wees  eftgesyne  .  .  .  se^eling  manig 
wundum  aicyrded ;  721  :  Com  .  .  .  rinc  simian  dreamum 
bedceled ;  ib.  1275. — Other  examples: — 1451  :  befongen  frea- 
wrasnum ;    2274:    fyre   befangen;    ib.    2595;    531:    beore 

druncen;  1467:  wine ;  2580:  bysigum  gebceded ;  3117: 

strengum  gebceded;  2359:  bille  gebeaten;  2401:  torne  ge- 
bolgen ;  2111:  eldo  gebunden;  923:  cystum  gecyfted;  217: 
winde  gefysed;  630:  gu'Se  gefysed;  2309:  fyre  gefysed; 
1005:  nyde  genyded  (Wiilckerhas  genydde) ;  975:  synnum 
geswenced;    1368:    hundum    geswenced;    1285:    hamere  ge- 

fturen;  250:  wsepnurn  geweorftad  ;  1450:  since ;  1038: 

since  gewur&ad ;  1645:  dome  ;    2255:   hyrsted  golde; 

845 :   nr<Sa  ofercumen. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      237 

NSF.  (5) : — 1443  :  scolde  herebyrne  hondurn  gebroden,  sid 
and  searofah  suud  cunnian. — Other  examples  : — 3018  :  golde 
bereafod;  1333:  fylle  gef(i-)cegnod ;  777:  golde  geregnad; 
624  :  mode  geSungen. 

NSN.  (5) : — 553  :  beadohrasgl  ...  on  breostum  lseg,  golde 
gegyrv:ed. — Other  examples: — 2680:  ni8e  genyded ;  2764: 
sear w n m  gesceld ;  2441:  fyrenum  geseyngad  ;  406:  seowed 
smrSes  orSancum. 

NS.  M.  or  X.  (1):  3146:  astah  .  .  .  swogende  leg  wope 
bewunden. 

NPM.  (3): — 1126:  Gewiton  him  -Sa  wigend  wica  neosian 
freondum  befeaUen  Frysland  geseon;  480:  Fuloft  gebeotedon 
beore  druncne  ofer  ealowsege  oretmecgas. — Other  examples  : — 
3014 :  feore  gebohte. 

ASM.  (1): — 3139:  Him  3a  gegiredan  Geata  leode  ad  on 
eorban  unwaclicne,  helmum  behongen. 

ASF.  (2) : — 2931  :  bryd  aheorde,  gomela  iomeowlan  golde 
berofene. — Other  examples: — 2192  :  golde  gegyrede. 

ASN.  (2) : — 1900  :  He  "Ssem  batwearde  bunden  golde  swurd 
gesealde ;  1531:  wearp  -Sa  wundenmaBl  wrsettum  gebunden 
yrre  oretta  (though  some  consider  gebunden  as  norm). 

AS.  M.  or  N.  (1) : — 2769  :  Swylce  he  siomian  geseah  segn 
eallgylden,  .  .  .  gelocen  leobocraBftum. 

APM.  (1) : — 1028  :  ne  gefraegn  ic  freondlicor  feower  mad- 
mas  golde  gegyrede  gnrnmauna  fela  in  ealobence  o^rum 
gesellan. 

APN.  (2) : — 2762  :  Geseah  .  .  .  fyrnmanna  fatu  feormend- 
lease  hyrstum  behrorene;  871  :  soSe  gebunden. 

Note  1. — Kohler  reads  ealo  drincende  in  1945,  and  con- 
siders drincende  an  appositive  participle ;  I  retain  Wulker's 
ealodrincende,  which  is  a  substantive. 

Note  2. — The  text  is  too  defective  to  admit  of  classifying 
the  following:  304:  gehroden ;  1031:  bewunden;  2229: 
earmsceapen;  2230:  sceapen ;  3151:  nmnden. 


238  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

GENESIS1    (42). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (10). 

I.    Without  Object  (10). 

NSM.  (3) : — 1583  :  ac  he  hlihende  brcSrura  ssegde. — Other 
examples: — 874:  sceomiende  ;  347:  sorgiende. 

NSF.  (1 ) :— 890  :  gitsiende. 

NSN.  (1)  :— 560  :  willende. 

NPM.  (1):— 2066:  hlihende. 

GPF.  (1) : — 81  :  ftrymmas  weoxon  dugirSa  mid  drihtne 
dreamhcebbendra. 

DSM.  (2) : — 2663  :  fteet  ic  $e  lissa  Ufigendum  giet  on  dagum 
laete  duguSa  brucan,  sinces  gesundne;  2649:  Me  ssegde  ser 
■Sset  wif  hire  wordum  selfa  unfricgendum,  -Sset  etc. 

ASM.  (1): — 2169:  ac  ic  fte  lifigende  her  wr3  weana  ge- 
hwam  wreo  ~)  scylde. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (32). 
I.   Without  Object  (11). 

NSM.  (4) : — 1571  :  SwiSe  on  slsepe  sefa  nearwode,  ftset  he 
ne  mihte  on  genrynd  drepen  hine  handum  self  mid  hraegle 
wry  on. — Other  examples: — 725:  gehugod;  481:  gewanod; 
1799  :  haten  (may  be  pred.,  as  Seyfarth  holds). 

GPM.  (1): — 1836  :  feorren  cumenra. 

GPN.  (1) : — 1185  :  wintra  gebideivra  etc. 

ASM.  (1) :— 1865  :  geftreadne. 

ASF.  (2): — 165:  ceteowde;   549:  gesceapene  (or  pred.?). 

ASN.  (1) :— 2022  :  forslegen  (or  attrib.  ?). 

APN.  (1) :— 1520  :  besmiten. 

II.   With  Object  (21). 

NSM.  (9):— 930:  dugeSum  bedoded;  2099:  eorlum  be- 
droren;     2124:    secgum    befylled ;     2605:    wine    druncen ; 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       239 

1818:  dri h t ne  gecoren;  2668:  egesan  geSread;  2137:  elne 
gewurftod ;  32:  nibes  of&yrsted  ;  2740:  hleowfeSrurn  fteaht 
(or  pred.  ?). 

NPM.  (5): — 86:  leohte  belorene ;  76:  Systrum  bcfteahte; 
1734:  metode  gecorene;  1693:  hleoSrum  gedcelde ;  2002: 
ecgum  offtegde. 

NPF.  (2):— 2082:  dome  bedrorene;  2010:  freondum  6e- 
slcegene. 

NPN.  (2) :— 2001 :  secgum  ofslegene;  1989  :  helmum  Keahte. 

ASN.  (2): — 1263:  hundtwelftig  geleled  rime  wintra; 
2344  :  geteled  rimes. 

APN.  (1) : — 1336  :  Su  seofone  genim  on  $aet  sundreced 
tudra  gehwilces  geleled  rimes. 

Note. — Seyfarth  considers  the  following  as  appositive  parti- 
ciples:—183:  umvundod,  319  :  fylde,  1472:  liSend,  2480: 
ftearfende.  But,  in  The  Abs.  Pie.  in  A.-S.  (p.  17),  I  have 
shown  that  umvundod  is  used  predicatively,  and  that  fylde  is 
a  finite  verb.  The  form  of  Ir&end  seems  to  me  to  show  that 
it  is  a  substantive.  I  consider  that  ftearfende  is  used  sub- 
stantively, as  does  Dietrich  (quoted  by  Wulker). — In  2603, 
genearivod,  the  text  is  too  defective  to  admit  ot  classification. 


EXODUS    (12). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (3). 

I.   Without  Object  (3). 

NSF.  (1) : — 213  :  Wceccende  bad  eall  seo  sibgedriht  somod 
setgsedere  maran  msegenes. 

NPM.  (2)  :— 452  :  flugon  forhtigende  (or  pred.  ?) ;  264  : 
lifigende. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (9). 

I.   Without  Object  (3). 

NPN.  (1) : — 497  :  synfullra  sweot  sawlum  lunnon  faeste 
befarene. 


240  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

ASM.  (1) : — 412:  unweaxenne. 

ASN.  (1): — 232  :  x.  hund  g deled  tireadigra. 

II.   With  Object  (6). 

NSM.    (3): — 5322 :     wreccum    alyfed;    5321  :    woramum 
awyrged ;  549:  mihtum  swifted. 
NSF.  (1) : — 580  :  golde  geweorftod. 
NPM.  (1) : — 36  :  swsefon  seledreamas  since  berqfene. 
ASN.  (1) :— 372  :  geteled  rime. 


DANIEL    (13). 

A.— THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (5). 

I.    Without  Object  (3). 

NSM.  (2) :— 687  :  hamsittende  (or  attrib.  ?) ;  573  :  lifgende. 
NPM.  (1) :— 2962 :  lifgende. 

II.   With  Object  (2). 

NSM.  (2) : — 355 :  Seer  Sa  dsedhwatan  geond  Sone  ofen 
eodon  3  se  engel  mid,  feorb  nerigende;  396  :  "Sec  .  .  .  gastas 
lofiaS  liff'rean,  lean  sellende  eallum  .  .  .  [defective  MS.]  ece 
drill  ten. 

B.  —  THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (8). 

I.   Without  Object  (1). 
ASM.  (1)  : — 521  :  gesceledne. 

II.   With  Object  (7). 

NSM.  (3) : — 736:  drihtne  gecoren;  1842:  mode  gefrecnod; 
1841 :  mane  gemenged, 

NSN.  (1) : — 556  :  treow  .  .  .  telgum  besnceded. 

NPM.  (3):— 2961:  lige  belegde;  92:  metode  gecorene; 
259  :  aid  re  generede. 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       241 

Note. — Spaeth  considers  696  (Sseton  him  set  wine  wealle 
belocene)  as  appositive,  but  the  participle  is  rather  predicative 
after  sceton. 

CYNEWULF'S    CHRIST    (65). 

A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (14). 

I.   Without  Object  (13). 

NSM.  (3): — 176:  Hwset  bemurnest  3u,  cleopast  ceari- 
gendef — Other  examples : — 426:  for^Sgongende;  1324:  unsco- 
miende. 

NSF.  (4): — 1160:  Hell  eac  ongeat  scyldwreccende  <5a3t 
etc.;  1016:  sorgende;  1584:  servSende ;  288:  ftristhyegende. 

NPM.  (4):— 950:  brecende ;  387:  bremende  ;  90:  geom- 
rende;  992:  wanende. 

DPM.  (1):   1266:  sorgendum. 

ASM.  (1) : — 1391  :  Sa  ic  fte  on  -Sa  fsegrau  foldan  gesette  to 
neotenne  neorxnawonges  beorhtne  bleed  welan,  bleom  sclnende. 

II.   With  Object  (1). 

NPM.  (1) : — 1271  :  on  3am  hi  awo  sculon  wrsec  winnende 
weergftu  dreogan.  [Grein1  and  Gollancz1  &  2  write  as  a  com- 
pound ,  wrcccwin  nende.~\ 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (51). 
I.    Without  Object  (15). 

NSM.  (2)  : — 475  :  acwsetf  Waldend  engla,  gefysed,  Frea 
mihtig,  to  Feeder  rice ;  970 :  Grorna-S  gesargad  eal  mid- 
dangeard  (but  Hertel  considers  it  predicative  after  an 
intransitive  verb). 

NSF.  (3):— 1065:  arcered  ;  1087:  biseon  (or  pred.?); 
380 :  geblissad. 

NSN.  (2): — 218:  acenned;  961  :  gesargad. 


242  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

NPM.  (3):— 1229:  arasode;  12981 :  ascamode;  1274: 
fordone. 

NPN.  (2): — 1223:  Donne  beo^S  gesoinnad  $a  clsenan  folc 
.  .  .  gceorene  bi  cystnm  ;  1071  ;  Donne  weoroda  rnsest  fore 
Waldende,  ece  and  edgeong,  ondweard  gse^,  neode  ond  nyde  bi 
noman  gehatne  (may  be  masc.,  as  Cook  gives  it). 

GPM.  (1): — 179:  Ne  ic  culpan  in  3e,  incan  senigne  sefre 
onfiuide,  womma  geworktra. 

ASN.  (1)  : — 890  :  mon  maeg  sorgende  folc  gehyran,  hyge- 
geomor,  hearde  gefysed,  cearum  cwi^ende  cwicra  gewyrhtu, 
forhte  afserde. 

APN.  (1) :— 892  :  afarde  (quoted  under  ASN.  889  above). 

II.   With  Object  (36). 

NSM.  (6) : — 625  :  ond  to  ftsere  ilcan  scealt  eft  geweor<5an 
wurmum  aweaUen. — Other  examples  : — 725  :  cla^um  be- 
immden  (or  pred.?);  1407  :  bidceled  dugeSum  ond  dreamum  ; 

1432:   mane  ;   1206:  dea 3 firen u m  forden;  10:5   mon- 

num  sended. 

NSF.  (4): — 192:  Sonne  sceal  Dauides  dohtor  sweltan, 
stanum  astyrfed. — Other  examples  : — 1085  :  blode  bestemed 
(or  pred.  ?) ;  908  :  gebleod  wundrum  ;  292  :  beaga  hroden. 

NS.  N.  or  M.  (1): — 1139:  $aes  temples  segl,  wundor- 
bleom  geivorht  to  wlite  -Sees  huses,  sylf  slat  on  tu. 

NPM.  (21) : — 940  :  steorran  swa  some  stredaft  of  heofone, 
•Surh  Sa  strongan  lyft  stormum  abeatne. — Other  examples  : — 
1525:  rajdum  birofene;  1519:  willum  biscyrede;  16432: 
sorgum  biwerede;  16431 :  sibbum  bmve&ede;  831  :  wselmum 
bitvreeene;  1642:  leohte  biwundne ;  1103:  firenum  fordone; 
1356:  adle  gebundne;  1538:    lege  gebundne ;  993:   hreowum 

gedreakte;    12982:    scondum ;    1508:    drynces   ; 

16441:  dreamum  gedyrde ;  393:  swegle  gehyrste;  16442: 
Dryhtne  gelyfde;  149  :  suslum  geslaJite  ;  385  :  dome  ge- 
svriftde;  986:  sundes  getivcefde;  1509:  "Surste  geftegede; 
447  :  hraeglum  gewerede. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      243 

GSM.  (1) : — 20  :  Eadga  us  siges  oftrum  forivyrned,  wlitigan 
wilsiftes,  gif  his  weorc  ne  deag. 

DPM.  (1)  : — 151  :  bring  us  hselolif  wergum  wite- 
"Seowum,  wope  foreymenum. 

ASF.  (1) :— 120  :  Nu  we  hyhtfulle  hselo  gelyfaS  Surh  -Sset 
Word  Godes  weorodum  brungen. 

APM.  (1)  : — 873  :  slsepe  gebundne. 

Note. — In  891  (mon  mseg  sorgende  folc  gehyran,  hyge- 
geomor,  heard e  gefysed,  cearum  owv&mde  cwicra  gewyrhtu), 
Hertel  considers  cwr&ende  appositive,  but  to  me  it  seems  to 
be  used  predicatively  as  a  second  accusative. 


ELENE     (26). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (9). 

I.   Without  Object  (7). 

.  NSM.  (3) : — 352  :  swa  hit  eft  be  eow  Essaias  .  .  .  wordum 
mselde,  deophycggmde  Surh  dryhtnes  gast;  ib.  881;  951: 
tvifterhycgende. 

NSF.  (1) : — 449  :  Ne  mseg  .  .  .  Ebrea  "Seod  rcedfteahtende 
rice  healdan. 

NPF.  (1) : — 906  :  sawla  ne  moton  manfremmende  in  minum 
leng  seh turn  wunigan. 

DSM.  (1) : — 810  :  Sie  •Se,  msegena  god,  ftrymsittendum  "Sane 
butan  ende. 

ASM.  (1) : — 795  :  Forlset  nu  .  .  .  wynsumne  up  under 
radores  ryne  rec  astigau  lyftlacende. 

II.    With  Object  (2). 

GPM.  (1) : — 1096  :  Da  se  halga  .  .  .  eode  gurnena  'Sreate 
god  hergendra. 

DPM.  (1) : — 1220:  $a  eallum  bebead  on  ftarn  gumrice 
god  hergendum,  werum  and  wifum,  -Sset  etc.  (Schiirmann : 
substantivized). 


244  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (17). 

I.    Without  Object  (3). 

NSN.  (1): — 1226:  mserost  bearna,  'Sara  "Se  of  eorSan  up 
aweoxe  geloden  under  leafum. 

GPM.  (1) : — 992  :  Nses  'Sa  fricgendra  under  goldhoman 
gad  in  burgurn  feorran  geferede  [Sievers  as  quoted  by  Wulker : 
geferedraf]. 

ASM.  (1) : — 529  :  mec  feeder  min  .  .  .  univeaxenne  wordum 
Iserde. 

II.    With  Object  (14). 

NSM.  (6)  : — 697  :  cleopigan  ongan  sarura  besyled. — Other 
examples: — 932:  sarum  forsoht;  1128:  egesan  geaclod; 
720  :  hungre  gehyned  ;  1263  :  wirum  gewlenced ;  1094  : 
breostum  onbryrded. 

NSF.  (1): — 331  :  on  ftrymme  bad  .  .  .  geatolic  girScwen 
golde  gehyrsted. 

NSN.  (2): — 2:  Da  wses  agangen  geara  hwyrftum  tu  hund 
•j  ^reo  geteled  rimes;  634  :  geteled  rime. 

NPM.  (2)  : — 766  :  dreogafl  deaftcwale  in  dracan  faB^Sme 
■Seostrum  forftylmed ;  263:  hyrstum  gewerede. 

NPN.  (1) : — 883  :  leomu  colodon  "Sreanedum  be&eaht. 

GPN.  (1): — 1284:  Sceall  seghwylc  .  .  .  worda  swa  same 
wed  gesyllan,  eallra  unsnyttro  a?r  gespreemra. 

ASM.  (1) : — 1058  :  Sset  he  gesette  .  .  .  Iudas  Sam  folce  to 
bisceope  .  .  .  crseftum  gecorene. 

Note. — Schiirmann  (p.  368)  considers  the  following  apposi- 
tive,  but  I  substantive: — 279:  me&elhegende ;  395:  synwyr- 
cende.  On  the  other  hand,  as  the  statistics  show,  1  have 
classified  as  appositive  participles  several  words  that  he 
considers  as  substantives. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.       245 

JULIANA    (28). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (11). 

I.   Without  Object  (10). 

NSM.  (5)  : — 68  :  Da  reordode  rices  hyrde  wiS  "Saere 
faernnan  feeder  frecne  mode  darctfShcebbende ;  281  :  lyft- 
lacende;  137  :  fte  3u  haestlice  manfremmende  to  me  beotast 
(or  subst.  ?) ;  445 :  sceal  nu  lange  ofer  "Sis  scyldwyrcende 
scame  ftrowian  ;  261  :  siftende. 

NSF.  (1) : — 252  :  gleawhyagmde. 

NSN.  (1): — 648:  ic  leof  weorud  laeran  wille  cefrem- 
mende,  etc. 

NPM.  (1) :— 662  :  wceccmde. 

DSF.  (1) : — 196  :  wi'Serhyegendre. 

ASM.  (1) :— 435  :  Srymstttmdne  (cf.  Phcenix  623). 


II.   With  Object  (1). 

GPM.  (1) : — 6  :  geat  on  grseswong  god  hergendra  hseSen 
hildfruma  haligra  blod  ryhtfremmendra.  [Gollancz  has 
god-herge)id[r~\a,  in  which  case  we  have  a  substantive.] 


B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (17). 

I.   Without  Object  (7). 

NSM.  (5):— 411:  acyrred;  320:  afongen ;  417:  bifolen; 
2621 :  geftungen;  2622 :  sended  (or  pred.,  as  Conradi  holds?). 
GPN.  (1) :— 686  :  icitedra. 
ASM.  (1): — 617:  awyrgedne. 

II.   With  Object  (10). 

NSM.  (4) :— 350  :  facne  Mfangm;  203:  ntiSagebceded;  ib. 
462  ;  582  :  yrre  gebolgen. 


246  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

NSF.  (2): — 241:  heolstre  bihelmad ;  535:  breostum 
mbryrded. 

NPM.  (4)  : — 681  :  hroSra  bidceled  hyhta  lease  helle 
soh ton. — Other  examples: — 486:  beore  druncne ;  13:  dse- 
dum  (jedwolene ;  490:  sarum  gesohtc. 


GUTHLAC    (4  2). 

A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (11). 

I.   Without  Object  (10). 

NSM.  (1) : — 1085 :  lac  onssegde  deophycgende  dryhtne  to 
willan. 

NPM.  (7) : — 203 :  sceoldon  wraecimecgas  ofgiefan  gnornende 
grene  beorgas;  ib.  651;  117:  $onan  si$  tugon,  wide  wa$e 
wuldre  bescyrede  lyftlacende. — Other  examples  : — 401  :  mur- 
nende;  828:  scudende;  879:  wedende;  635:  vrifterhyegende. 

NPF.  (1)  : — 1250  :  wyrta  .  .  .  hunigflowende. 

GSM.  (1) :— 1190  :  neosendes. 

II.   With  Object  (1). 

NSM.  (1):— 1029:  ac  he  hate  let  torn  Koliende  tearas 
geotan.  [Furkert  considers  ftoUende  predicative  after  let,  but 
incorrectly  I  think.     Cf.  Judith  272.] 

B.  — THE   PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (31). 
I.   Without  Object  (8). 

NSM.  (5)  : — 911 :  Hre-Ser  innan  born  afysed  on  forSsrS. — 
Other  examples: — 1286:  arceved ;  662:  gegearwad ;  1287: 
gesewen ;  913:  wngeblyged. 

NSN.  (1)  :— 1282  :  lie  colode  belifd  under  lyfte. 

NPF.  (1): — 1249:  wyrta  geblowene. 

NPN.  (1): — 1263  :  scadu  sweftredon  tolysed  under  lyfte. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      247 

II.   With  Object  (23). 

NSM.(8) : — 1127  :  awrecen  wselpilum  ;  1260  : .  .  .  wselstrse- 
lurn  ;  967:  flsesce  bifongen  ;  1143:  leana  biloren  ;  1004: 
foldaerne  bvSeaht ;  640:  attre  geblonden ;  1126:  nearwum 
genceged ;  1 274  :  husle  gereorded. 

NSF.  (1)  : — 1325  : — Sonne  seo  ftrag  cymeS  wefen  wyrd- 
stafum  (or  pred.  ?). 

NSN.  (1) : — 888  :  him  to  honda  huugre  ge&reatad  fleag 
fugla  cvn. 

NPM.  (7) : — 116  :  wuldre  byscyrede  ;  873  :  drearanm  bidro- 
rene;  872:  hiwes  binotene ;  1047:  wilna  biscirede;  645: 
wnldre  biscyrede ;  858:  adle  gebundne;  1046:  ac  in  lige 
sceolon  sorgwylmum  soden  sar  wanian. 

NPN.  (2)  : — 930  :  leomu  hefegedon  sarum  gesohte;  ib. 
1003. 

ASM.  (3) :— 1312  :  life  bilidenne ;  992:  is  me  .  .  .  geSuht, 
•Sset  Se  untrymnes  adle  gongum  on  "Sisse  nyhstan  niht  bys- 
gade,  sarbennum  gesoht;  1118  :  feorhhord  onleac  searocsegum 
gesoht. 

APM.  (1)  :— 740  :  leohte  gercehte. 


RIDDLES    (44). 
A.— THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (8). 

I.  Without  Object  (8). 

NSM.  (4):— 13.  14:  lifgende;  ib.  29.  9 ;  3.  8  :  winnende; 
41.  107  :  wrotende. 

NSN.  (1) : — 49.  4  :  sine  for  seegum  swigende  cwaeft. 

NS.  F.  or  N.  (1) :— 84.  5  :  wiht  .  .  .ferende. 

NPM.  (1) : — 17.  6:  hi  beo-S  swrSran  Sonne  ic  "j  mec 
slitende  sona  flyma'S. 

GSF.  (1) :— 55.  5  :  stondendre. 


248  MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    JR. 

B.  —  THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (36). 

I.    Without  Object  (9). 

NSM.  (4)  :— 72.  12:  bunden ;  24.  16:  searosceled ;  2. 
11:  sended ;  24.  15:  unbunden. 

NSF.  (2) : — 21.  2  :  gegyrwed ;  2  J .  1  :  sceapen. 

NS.  F.  or  N.  (1) : — 24.  2 :  ic  eom  wnetlic  wiht  on  gewin 
sceapen. 

NSN.  (1):— 31.  21:  bewunden. 

NPM.  (1):— 12.  61:  gemcedde. 


II.   With  Object  (27). 

NSM.  (12): — 28.  14:  meegene  binumen ;  28.  13:  strengo 
bistolen;  3.  9:  holminaegne  bv&eaht;  18.  2:  gefylled  dryht- 
gestreona  (or  pred.  ?)  ;  2.  10  :  holme gehrefed;  71.  8  :  hringum 
gehyrsted;  4.  6Q  :  meahtum  gemanad ;  41.  85:  gewefen 
wundorcrsefte ;  91.  4:  hringum  gyrded;  5.  2:  hringum 
hcefted ;  11.  4:  ySum  fteaht;  ib.  17.  3. 

NSF.  (5): — 27.  6:  sindrum  begrunden ;  71.  1:  reade 
beiccefed  (or  pred.  ?) ;  32.  20  :  frcehced  hyrstum  ;  4.  22  :  eare 
geblonden;  32.  10:  gecoren  eras  ft  urn. 

NSN.  (2):— 31.  3:  fyre  gebysgad  (or  pred.?);  31.  22 : 
wedre  gesomnad  (or  pred.  ?). 

NPM.  (4): — 14.  8:  meahtum  aweahte ;  12.  62 :  mode 
bestolene;  14.  7  :  reafe  birofene;  12.  7  :  dsede  gedwolene. 

NPN.  (1) : — 27.  14  :  wrsetlic  weorc  smiSa  wire  bifongen. 

ASF.  (1) : — 87.  2  :  wombe  Sry^um  geftrungne. 

ASN.  (2):— 24.  8:  spilde  geblonden;  30.  3:  listum 
gegierwed. 

Note  1. — Two  Latin  appositive  participles  occur  in  the 
Riddles,  but  are  not  translated  into  Anglo-Saxon  : — 90.  41  &  2 : 
Dum  starem  et  mirarem,  vidi  gloriam  magnam :  duo  lupi 
stantes  et  tertium  tribul[antes]  nil  pedes  habebant,  cum 
septem  oculis  videbant. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      249 

Note  2. — The  defective  text  precludes  the  classification 
of  the  following: — 78.  7:  bewrigene ;  83.  3  and  4:  life 
bewunden,  fyre  gefcelsad  ;  84.  40:  wuldrum  gewlitegad. 


ANDREAS    (33). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (7). 

I.   Without  Object  (4). 

NSM.  (3): — 1557:  heau,  hygegeonior,  heofende  sprsec ; 
378  :  aBuig  ne  wende,  $aet  he  lifgende  land  begete ;  59  :  He  8a 
wepende  weregum  tearum  his  sigedryhten  sargan  reorde,  grette. 

GSM.  (1) : — 528  :  $u  cyninges  eart  -Segen  .  .  .  ftrymsiltendes. 

II.    With  Object  (3). 

NSM.  (2) : — 570 :  JESelinge  weox  word  3  wisdom,  ah  he 
■Sara  wundra  a  dona  agende  dsel  senigne  frsetre  3eode  beforan 
cyftde ;  300 :  Him  8a  ofstlice  Andreas  wi3  wine  ftearfende 
wordum  mselde  (cf.  Gnthlac  1321,  where  wineftearfende  is 
substantive). 

DPF.  (1)  : — 491  :  Ic  wses  on  gifeSe  iu  3  nu  syxtyne  siSum 
on  ssebate,  mere  hrerendum  mundum  freorig,  eagorstreamas. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (26). 

I.   Without  Object  (12). 

NSM.  (6) : — 78  :  fty  Ises  ic  lungre  scyle  ablended  in  burgum 
.  .  .  leng  ftrowian. — Other  examples  : — 1299:  awerged;  267: 
bewunden;  1127:  gehcefted ;  4362 :  geftreatod ;  4361 :  geSyd. 

NSN.  (1) : — 1529  :  sund  grunde  onfeng  deope  gedrefed. 

NPM.  (1) : — 665 :  nses  $ser  folces  ma  .  .  .  sinra  leoda 
nemne  ellefne  orettmrecgas,  geteled  tireadige. 

GPM.  (1) : — 24  :  hie  blod  and  fel,  fira  flseschoinan  feorran 
cumenra  ftegon. 


250  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

ASM.  (1)  : — 1651 :  Dser  se  ar  godes  anne  gesette  wisfsestne 
wer,  ...  "31  gehalgode  .  .  .,  Platan  nemned. 

ASF.  (1): — 646  :  ic  on  "Se  sylfurn  soft  oncnawe  wisdornes 
gewit  wundorcrsefte,  sigesped  geseald  (or  fact.  ?). 

APM.  (1) : — 883 :  swylce  we  gesegon  for  suna  meotudes 
.  .  .  eowic  standan,  twelfe  getealde,  tireadige  hseleS. 

II.   With  Object  (14). 

NSM.  (5) : — 309 :  ftset  ftu  ssebeorgas  secan  woldes,  mere- 
streama  gemet,  m  aft  muni  bedceled. — Other  examples  : — 1314  : 
duguSum  bereafod;  413:  billurn  foregrunden ;  983:  elne 
gefyrSred;  1313:  rayrce  gescyrded. 

NSN.  (1)  : — 772  :  morSre  bewunden. 

NPM.  (4): — 1631:  witum  aspedde;  1618:  wuldre 
bescyrede;  1003:  dreore  druncne ;  746:  mode  gemyrde. 

DSM.  (1): — 487:  Sset  $u  me  getsehte  .  .  .  hu  $11  wsegflotan 
wsere  bestemdon,  ssehengeste  sund  wisige. 

ASF.  (1)  : — 675  :  he  lungre  ahof  wofte  . .  .  wean  onblonden. 

ASN.  (1) :— 1035 :  gelsedde  ...  on  frrS  dryhtnes  tn  3 
hundteontig  geteled  rime  (cf.  Andr.  665  and  Elene  2,  634). 

APN.  (1)  : — 1046  :  weorod  on  wilsrS  wolcnum  beftehte. 

Note. — The  MS.  is  too  defective  to  classify  1025  :  gewyrht. 


PHCENIX    (26). 
A.— THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (4). 

I.   Without  Object  (4). 

NSM.  (1) : — 368  :   forSon  he  drusende  dea-S  ne  bisorgaft. 

NSF.  (1) : — 502 :  -Sonne  ^eos  woruld  scyldwyrcende  in 
scome  byrneft. 

GPM.  (1): — 178:  ealra  beama  on  eorSwege  uplcedendra. 

DSM.  (1): — 623:  ond  "Se  Sonc  sy  ftrymsittendum.  Cf. 
Summons  to  Prayer  2  :  "Srymcyningc  thronum  sedens ;  and 
ib.  25  :  to  "Seodne  thronum  regenti. 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       251 
B.— THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (22). 

I.  Without  Object  (7). 

NSM.  (3):— 525:  afcered;  180:  gescylded;  160:  ge&ungen. 

NPM.  (1) :— 592  :  gebredade. 

NPF.  (2) : — 226  :  geclungne  ;  541  :  gecorene. 

ASN.  (1)  :— 274  :  gefradwed. 

II.  With  Object  (15). 

NSM.  (9) : — 535  :  flresce  bifongen  ;  306  :  bregden  feSrum  ; 
602:  brogden  w  unci  rum  ;  140:  saelum  geblissad ;  27:  wyn- 
num  geblowen ;  162:  wintrum  gebysgad;  486:  waepnum 
ge&ryfted ;  551  :  wuldre  geweor'Sad ;  550  :  breostum  on- 
bryrded. 

NSF.  (1)  :— 503  :  ade  onceled. 

NSN.  (1) :— 62  :  lyfte  gebysgad. 

NPM.  (1) :— 633  :  manes  amerede. 

ASF.  (2)  : — 1701&2 :  biholene  y  bihydde  monegum. 

APM.  (1) : — 488  :  sawlum  binumene. 


METRES    OF    BOETHIUS    (13). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (6). 

I.   Without  Object  (6). 

NSM.  (1)  : — 2.  2  :  Hwset  ic  lioba  fela  lustlice  geo  sang  on 
sselum  !  nu  sceal  siofigende  wope  gewaeged  wreccea  giomor 
singan  sarcwidas  =  Boeth.2  3.  2 :  Carmina  qui  quondam 
studio  florente  peregi,  flebilis  in  msestos  cogor  inire  modos. 

NSF.  (3):— 20.  221:  Sonne  hio  ymb  hi  selfe  secende 
smeaS;  ib.  20.  214;  20.  212:  hwa3rfeS  ymbe  hy  selfe  oft 
smeagende  ymb  etc. 

NSN.  (1) : — 3.  4 :  Sonne  hit  winnende  his  agen  leoht  an- 
forlaeteS. 


252  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

NPF.  (1) : — 11.  34:  Swa  haefS  geheafterod  hefourices 
weard  mid  his  anwealde  ealle  gesceafta,  ^set  hiora  seghwilc 
wr$  o$er  wiirS,  "J  "Seah  winnende  wreSiaft  fseste  =  Boeth.2 
48.  3  :  Quod  pugnantia  semina  foedus  perpetuum  tenent. 

B.  —  THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (7). 
I.    Without  Object  (4). 

NSM.  (1):— 1.  82  :  forSokt. 

NSF.  (1):— 6.  15:  geondstyred. 

NPM.  (1) : — 25.  7  :  ymbestandne  =  Boeth.2  95.  2  :  sceptos. 
APM.  (1) : — 19.  4 :    alceded  (perhaps   should    be   alcedeft, 
as  Grein  conjectures). 

II.   With  Object  (3). 

NSM.  (1) : — 2.  3 :  wope  gewceged  (see  Latin  under  2.  2 
above). 

NSN.  (1) : — 3.  8  :  sorgurn  geswenced. 
NPM.  (1)  :— 25.  6  :  golde  gegerede. 


THE    METRICAL    PSALMS1    (37). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (17). 

I.   Without  Object  (13). 

NSM.  (2) :— 50.  75  (Cot.) :  Sonne  ic  .  .  .  ofer  snawe  self 
scinende  <Sinre  sibbe  lufan  sona  gemete  =  et  super  nivera 
dealbabor  ;  77.  651 :  slcepende  =  dormiens. 

NPM.  (5):— 50.  56  (Cot.):  cerrende  =  o;  125.  51&2: 
gangende  -y  ferende  georne  wepaS  =  euntes  ibant  et  flebant ; 
146.  10:  se  $e  mete  syle$  manegum  neatum,  hrefnes 
briddum,  ftonne  heo  hropende  him  cigeaft  to  =  Qui  dat 
jumentis  escani  ipsorum,  et  pullis  corvorum  invocantibus 
eum  ;  113.  25:  lifigende  =  qui  vivimus. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      253 

DSN.  (1) : — 82.  6  :  raid  eardiendum  folce  in  Tyrum  = 
cum  habitantibus  Tyrum. 

DPM.  (1) : — 140.  6 :  mid  man  mi  m  manfremmendum  =  cum 
hominibus  operantibus  iniquitatem. 

ASN.  (2) : — 140.  4  :  sete  swsese  geheald  swylce,  drihten, 
mu-Se  minum  (ne  la3t  man  sprecan)  •}  arSele  dor  ymb- 
standende,  "Sat  on  welerum  wisdom  healde  =  Pone,  Domine, 
custodiam  ori  meo ;  et  ostium  circumstantm  labiis  meis ;  57. 
6  :  yrnende  =  currens. 

APM.  (2)  :— 68.  25  :  gramhicgende  =  o;  123.  2  :  lifigende 
=  vivos. 

II.    With  Object  (4). 

NSM.  (2):— 104.  10:  and  him  Sa  mid  soSe  saegde, 
cwe&ende  =  Et  statuit  .  .  .  dicens  ;  105.  4:  Genuine  us, 
drihten,  on  modsefan  for§  hycgende  folces  $ines  3  us 
mid  hselo  her  geneosa  =  Memento  nostri,  Domine,  in  bene- 
placito  populi  tui  ;  visita  nos  in  salutari   tuo. 

NPM.  (1)  : — 138.  17:  Blodhreowe  weras  !  ge  bebugaS  me, 
"Se  "Sset  on  geSohtum  -SenceaS  cweSende  =  Viri  sanguinum 
declinate  a  me ;   quia  dicitis  in  cogitationibus  vestris. 

GSM.  (1) : — 105.  17  :  Hi  .  .  .  ongunnan  .  .  .  ouwendan 
heora  wuldor  on  Spene  wyrsan  had  hse-§enstyrces  hig 
etendes  =  et  mutaverunt  gloriam  suam  in  similitudinem 
comedentis  foenum. 

B.— THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (20). 

I.    "Without  Object  (9). 

NSM.  (3) : — 115.  6  :  "Sinre  3eowan  sunu  on  3e  acenned  = 
filius  ancillse  tuse;  148.  9:  alceded  =  o ;  50.  74:  geclcensod 
=  mundabor. 

NSF.  (2):— 50.  127  (Cot.):    hiorte  geclansod  =  cor  con- 
tritum  ;  143.  10:  Ic  .  .  .  singe  on  psalterio,  "Se  him  swynsa$ 
oft    mid    tyn    strengum   getogen  hearpe  =  cantabo   tibi ;    in 
psalterio  decern  chordarum  psallam  tibi. 
8 


254  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

NSN.  (1)  :— 128.  4  :  ofohten  =  evellatur. 
NPM.  (1)  : — 67.  24  :  gegaderade  =  conjundi. 
NPF.  (1) :— 50.  145  (Cot.)  :  forgeofene  =  o  (or  pred.  ?). 
ASF.  (1) : — 107.  9  :   Hwylc  gelaede'S   me  on  lifes  byrig 
faeste  getrymede  =  Quis  deducet  me  in  civitatem  munitam. 

II.    With  Object  (11). 

NSM.  (2)  : — 77.  652 :  wine  druncen  =  crapulatus  a  vino  ; 
54.  24  :  bealuinwites  fsecne  gefylled  =  dolosi. 

NSF.  (1)  :— 50.  128  (Cot.):  hiorte  .  .  .  geeadrneded  inge- 
•Sancum  =  cor  .  .  .  humiliatum. 

NPF.  (1) :— 50.  51  (Cot.)  :  ic  .  .  .  bidde  -&et  meforgefene 
gastes  wunde  an  forSgesceaft  feran  mote.  [There  is  no 
Latin  correspondence  to  this  part  of  50.  51,  the  verse  being 
much  amplified  in  the  O.  E.  translation.  Grein  in  Glossary 
sub  v.  forgifan  says  that  for gefene  is  accusative  absolute,  and 
supplies  ic  as  subject  of  mote.  I  translate  as  Dietrich  (quoted 
by  Grein)  :  '  ut  mihi  condonata  animi  vulnera  in  abolitionem 
abire  possint.'] 

NPN.  (3): — L06.  36:  sy'Sftan  greowan  lungre  land  heora 
aloden  wsestmum  =  Et  seminaverunt  agros,  et  plantaverunt 
vineas,  et  fecerunt  fructum  nativitatis ;  148.  10:  fugla  cynn 
frSerum  geseyrped  =  volucres  pennatae  (may  also  be  singu- 
lar) ;  67.  17 :  wserun  crseta  tyn  Susendo  geteled  rime  = 
currus  Dei  decern  millibus  multiplex. 

DSN.  (1) : — 67.  26  :  on  -Sinum  temple  tidum  gehalgod, 
■SaBt  ys  on  Hierusalem  =  a  templo  sancto  tuo  quod  est  in  H. 
(or  NSM.?). 

ASF.  (2)  : — 59.  8  :  weallum  beworhte  =  munitam;  131.  5  : 
stowe  drihtne  gecorene  =  locum  Domino. 

APN.  (1)  : — 106.  32 :  He  on  westenne  wynne  streamas 
soSfsest  sette,  "Sser  he  sarig  folc  ge&ewde  fturste  Sa  blissade  = 
Quia  posuit  flumina  in  desertum,  et  exitus  aquarum  in 
sitim. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO— SAXON.      255 

B.— MINOR  POEMS* 

AZARIAS    (2). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   Without  Object  (1). 
NPM.  (1): — 162:  lifigende. 

B.  —  THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.  With  Object  (1). 
KPM.  (1) :— 161 :  lege  bilegde. 

CALENDAR    OF    SAINTS    (4). 
A.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (4). 

I.   Without  Object  (2). 

NSM.  (2) : — 7  :  forSy  se  kaleud  us  cymeS  geftincged  on  •Sam 
ylcan  dsege  ;  164  :  3sette  HaligmonS  beleSum  geSinged  fere<5 
to  folce. 

II.  With  Object  (2). 

NSM.  (2)  :— 142  :  waestnmm  hidden;  205:  forste  gefe- 
terad  (may  be  aec.). 

CHARMS    (4). 

A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.    Without  Object  (1). 

NSM.  (1) : — i.  74  :  Ful  secer  fodres  fira  cinne  beorht- 
blowende,  -§u  gebletsod  weorS. 

*The  text  of  the  Ruin  is  so  defective  that  I  have  taken  no  account  of 
this  poem. 


256  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (3). 

I.    Without  Object  (2). 

ASN.   (1) : — I.    61  :    heo   si   geborgen    \vr3    ealra  bealwa 

gehwylc,  'Sara  lyblaca  geond  land  sawen. 

APN.  (1) : — i.  64 :    -<5set   awendan    ne    rnsege    word   -Sus 

gecwedene. 

II.   With  Object  (1). 

NSM.  (1)  : — Viii.  30  :  Iohannes  wuldre  gewlitegod. 

CHRIST'S    DESCENT    INTO    HELL,    RESURRECTION, 

ASCENSION,  AND    APPEARANCE    AT 

FINAL    JUDGMENT    (4). 

A.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (4). 

I.     Without  Object  (1). 
APM.  (1)  :— 81  :  gebeged. 

II.  With  Object  (3). 

NSM.  (1)  :— 172  :  dome  gewurKad. 

NSN.   (2) : — 284  :    wynnum    bewunden  ;    283  :    gimmum 
gefrcetewod. 

CREED    (1). 

A.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   Without  Object  (1). 

ASM.  (1) : — 10  :  cyning,  hider  asendne. 

DOOMSDAY    (5). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (3). 

I.    Without  Object  (2). 

NSM.  (1)  : — 251 :  murenigende  cwse$. 
NPM.  (1):— 231  :  deriende  gedwinaS. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      257 


II.   With  Object  (1). 

NPN.  (1):— 112:    cumaS    hider   ufon  of  heofone  deaS 
beacnigende  tacen  =  signa  minantia  mortem  of  Latin  original. 


B.  —  THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (2). 
I.    With  Object  (2). 
NSM.  (2): — 290:  blostmum  behnngen ;  252:  mode  gedrefed. 

DREAM     OF   THE   ROOD    (Vercelli  Text)    (3). 
A.  — THE   PRESENT   PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   Without  Object  (1). 

NSM.   (1) : — 24 :    HwaeSre   ic   ftser  licgende  lange  hwile 
beheold  hreowcearig  hselendes  treow. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (2). 

I.   Without  Object  (1). 

DSN.  (1) : — 49  :  Eall  ic  waes  mid  blode  bestemed,  begoten 
of  "Sees  guman  sidan. 

II.   With  Object  (1). 
ASN.  (1) : — 5  :  leohte  bewunden. 

DURHAM    (1). 
A.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   With  Object  (1). 

NPN.  (1) : — 19:  Eardiaft  ...  in  Bern  minstre  unarimeda 
reliquia,  monia  wundrum  gewurftad. 


258  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JE. 

EADGAR    (2). 
A.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (2). 

I.  With  Object  (2). 

NSM.  (1) :— 28  B  :  hama  hereof od. 

NSN.  (1)  : — 11  A:  agangen  wses  tynhund  wintra  geteled 
rimes. 

EADWEARD    (2). 

A.— THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (2). 

I.   Without  Object  (1). 
NSM.  (1)  : — 9  :  wel  geftungen. 

II.  With  Object  (1). 
NSM.  (1) :— 16  :  lande  hereof  od. 

FALLEN  ANGELS  (DIE  KLAGEN  DER  GEFALLENEN 

ENGEL)  (12). 

A.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (12). 

I.    Without  Object  (3). 

NSM.  (1):— 181  :  aworpen. 
NPM.  (1)  :— 308  :  gefrcetewod. 

ASF.  (1) : — 341  :  Godes  andsacan  hweorfan  geond  helle, 
hate  onceled  ufan  and  utan. 

II.   With  Object  (9). 

NSM.  (5)  :— 186  :  goda  bedceled  ;  122  :  duguSum  bedeled; 
121:  wuldre  benemed  ;  38:  gebunden  fyrclommum  ;  131: 
synnum  forwundod. 

NPM.  (3): — 344:  drearaum  bedcelde ;  52:  susle  begro- 
rene  ;  343  :  wuldres  heseyrede. 

NPF.  (1) :— 296  :  sorgum  bedcelde. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      259 

FATES    OF    MEN    (3). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.    Without  Object  (1). 

DSM.    (1)  : — 9  :     god    ana    wat,    hwset    him    weaxendum 
winter  bringeS. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (2). 

I.   With  Object  (2). 
NSM.  (2): — 55:  dreamum  biscyred  ;  20:  mode  gebysgad. 

GLORIA    (2). 
A.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (2). 

I.   Without  Object  (2). 
NSM.  (2):— 10:  asyndrod;  12:  gebletsod. 

GNOMIC    VERSES    (1). 
A.— THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   Without  Object.  (1). 
NSM.  (1) : — H.  35  :  to  "Sees  oft  cymeS  dea$  unhinged. 

HARROWING    OF    HELL    (HOLLENFAHRT 
CHRISTI)    (2). 

A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (2). 

I.   Without  Object  (2). 

NSM.  (1) :— 24  :  hlyhhende  sprsec. 
NPM.  (1) : — 91  :  msendon  murnende. 


260  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

HUSBAND'S    MESSAGE    (2). 
A.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (2). 

I.   Without  Object  (1). 
NSF.  (1) : — 13  :  ^Sset  "Su  sinchroden  sylf  geraunde. 

II.   With  Object  (1). 
NSM.  (1)  : — 39  :  nvde  gebceded  (ms.  is  defective). 

HYMN    (1). 

A.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   With  Object  (1). 
NSM.  (1)  : — 43  :  haliges  gastes  fegere  gefelled. 

INSCRIPTION    ON    CROSS    AT    BRUSSELS    (2). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   Without  Object  (1). 
NSF.  (1)  :— 21 :  bser  byfigende. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   With  Object  (1). 
NSF.  (1)  :— 22 :  blode  bestemed. 

JUDITH    (9). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   With  Object  (1). 

NPM.  (1)  : — 272  :  Hi  $a  somod  ealle  ongunnon  cohhetan, 
cirraan  hlude  3  gristbitian  gode  orfeorme,  mid  tofton   torn 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      261 

^oligende.     [Cf.  Guthlao   1029:    torn    ftoliende ;   and  Psalm 
1119:  torn  toSum  ftolian  =  dentibus  freraere.] 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (8). 

I.   With  Object  (8). 

NSM.  (2): — 67:  wine  swa  druncen ;  118:  Systrum 
for&ylmed. 

NSF.  (2): — 171:  golde  gefrwtewod  ;  129:  -Seawum  ge- 
%ungen. 

ASF.  (2): — 36:  beagum  gehlceste;  37:  hringum  gehrodene. 

ASN.  (1) :— 329  :  golde  gefrcetewod. 

APF.  (1)  :— 339  :  gerenode  golde. 

Note. — A.  Miiller  considers  ftearffendre  in  85  (ic  %e  .  .  . 
biddan  wylle  miltse  ftinre  me  ftearffendre)  and  geweorftod  in 
299  (Him  on  laste  for  sweot  Ebrea  sigore  geweorftod)  apposi- 
tive ;  they  may  be,  but  to  me  the  former  seems  attributive 
and  the  latter  predicative. 

MALDON    (1). 
A.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   Without  Object  (1). 

NPM.  (1)  : — 57  :  ftset  ge  mid  urum  sceattum  to  scype 
gangon  unbefohtene  (or  pred.  ?). 


RUNESONG    (2). 
A.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (2). 

I.   With  Object  (2). 

NS.  F.  or  M.  (1) :— 31  :  flor  forste  geworuht. 
NSN.  (1) : — 37  :  wyrtrumum  underivre^Syd. 


262  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

SALOMO    AND    SATURNUS    (6). 
A.— THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (3). 

I.   Without  Object  (3). 

NSM.  (1) : — 105  :  ■Sonne  he  hangiende  helle  wisce'S. 
NPN.  (1) : — 220  :  aterrcynn,  .  .  .  Sa  fte  nu  weallende  Surh 
attres  oro"S  ingang  ryrna$. 
ASF.  (1) :— 447  :  Hfigende. 

B.—  THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (3). 

I.   Without  Object  (2). 

NSF.  (1)  :— 31  :  gegoten. 
NSN.  (1) :— 222  :  gesccened. 

II.   With  Object  (1). 
ASM.  (1) :— 104  :  heolstre  behelmed. 

SEAFARER    (4). 
A.— THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (4). 

I.   Without  an  Object  (1). 
NSM.  (1) : — 106  :  cymeS  him  se  deaS  unhinged. 

II.    With  an  Object  (3). 

NSM.    (3): — 162 :    winemsegura   bidroren ;    17:    bihongen 
hrimgicelum  ;  161 :  wynnuni  biloren. 

SOUL    AND    BODY    (4). 

A.— THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (4). 

I.   Without  Object  (1). 

NSM.  (1) : — 46  (Verc.) :   ic  wses  gast  on  Se  fram  gode 
sended  (or  pred.  ?). 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN  ANGLO-SAXON.      263 

II.   With  Object  (3). 

NSM.   (2)  :— 34   (Verc.)  :    flassce  befangen ;    67   (Verc.) : 
synnum  gesargod. 

NSN.  (1) :— 105  (Verc.)  :  dsedum  gedrefed. 

SPIRIT    OF    MEN    (4). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   With  Object  (1). 

NPM.  (1)  : — 82  :  we  sculon  a  hycgende  hselo  rsedes  gemu- 
nan  in  mode  rnsela  gehwylcurn  $one  selestan  sigora  waldend. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (3). 

I.    With  Object  (3). 

NSM.  (3): — 42:  Sryrnme  gebyrmed ;  41:  wine  gewceged  ; 
43  :  aefestum  onceled. 

SUMMONS    TO    PRAYER. 

Note. — No  example  occurs  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  part  of 
this  poem,  but  two  occur  in  the  Latin,  both  with  an  object: — 
2:  Damne  gemiltsaft  Se  .  .  .  Srymcyningc  thronum  sedens ; 
25  :  to  Seodne  thronum  regenti.  With  both  compare  Phoenix 
623  :   'Srymsittendum. 

WALDERE     (1). 
A.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   With  Object  (1). 

NSF.  (1) :— B  19  :  StandeS  me  her  on  eaxelum  JElfheres 
laf  god  and  geapneb,  golde  geiceor'&od  (or  pred.  ?). 


264  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

WANDERER    (1). 

A.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   With  Object  (1). 
NSM.  (1) :— 20  :  eSle  bidceled. 

WHALE    (5). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   Without  Object  (1). 

NP.  M.  or  N.  (1) :— 32  :  biS  .  .  .  deofla  wise,  Sat  hi  droht- 
ende  'Surh  dyrne  meaht  dugirSe  beswicaft. 

B.  — THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (4). 

I.    Without  Object  (1). 
NSM.  (1) : — 70  :  gereaht  (but  the  passage  is  doubtful). 

II.    With  Object  (3). 

NSM.  (1) :— 45  :  heoloShelme  btiSeaht. 
NSN.  (1) : — 10  :  sondbeorgum  ymbseald. 
NPM.  (1) : — 74  :  gyltum  gehrodene. 

WIDSID    (2). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.   Without  Object  (1). 

NSM.  (1) : — 39  :  ac  Offa  geslog  serest  monna  cniht  wesende 
cynerica  mast  (cf.  Beow.  46,  372,  535,  1187;  Bede  142.  8, 
188.  1). 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN    ANGLO-SAXON.      265 

B.  —  THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (1). 

I.    With  Object  (1). 

NSM.  (1): — 53:  godes  and  yfles  "Seer  ic  cunnade  cnosle 
bidceled. 

WONDERS    OF    CREATION    (3). 
A.  — THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE    (3). 

I.    Without  Object  (1). 

NSM.  (1) : — 80  :  witan  .  .  .  o&5e  hwa  "Sees  leohtes  lond- 
buende  brucan  mote. 

II.   With  Object  (2). 

NPM.  (2) : — 14,  15  :  cufton  ryht  sprecan,  ^set  a  fricgende 
fira  cynnes  3  secgende  searoruna  gespon  a  gernyndge  ma3st 
monna  wiston. 

Note. — Bewriten  of  line  19  should  be  bewritan  or  bewrti&an, 
as  several  editors  conjecture. 


266 


MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    JR. 


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268  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 


CHAPTER   II. 

USES   OF   THE  APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE 
IN  ANGLO-SAXON. 

The  uses  of  the  appositive  participle  in  Anglo-Saxon  may- 
be grouped  under  the  three  following  larger  heads  : — 

I.  The  Appositive  Participle  is  equivalent  to  a  Dependent 
Adjectival  (Relative)  Clause,  and  denotes  either  an  action  or 
a  state,  as  in  : — Mk.  3.  1  :  3ar  wses  an  man  forscruncene 
hand  htebbende  =  erat  ibi  homo  habens  manum  aridam ; 
Bede1  246.  7  :  sende  .  .  .  haligne  wer  3  in  his  Seawum 
gemetfsestne  "j  in  leornunge  .  .  .  wel  gelceredne  =  194.  28: 
misit  .  .  .  uirum  sanctum,  .  .  .  scripturarum  lectione  suffi- 
cienter  instruction;  Beow.  624:  ^set  hio  Beowulfe,  beaghroden 
cwen,  mode  geftungen  medoful  setbser ;  Aelf.  L.  S.  28.  58  : 
On  3am  ylcan  daege  com  sum  bisceop,  helenus  gehaten. 

II.  The  Appositive  Participle  is  equivalent  to  a  Dependent 
Adverbial  (Conjunctive)  Clause,  and  denotes  time,  manner, 
means,  etc.,  as  in : — Bede  8.  23b :  3a  brynas  .  .  .  gebiddende 
adwsescte  =  37.  5  :  incendia  orando  restinxerit ;  ib.  10.  10  : 
pset  se  ylca  biscop  geworden  onbead  =  48.  1  :  Ut  idem 
episcopus  /actus  mandarit ;  Beow.  480  :  Ful  oft  gebeotedon 
beore  druncne  ofer  ealowsege  oretmecgas. 

III.  The  Appositive  Participle  is  substantially  equivalent 
to  an  Independent  Clause,  and  either  (1)  denotes  an  accom- 
panying circumstance  or  (2)  repeats  the  idea  of  the  principal 
verb.  Doubtless,  as  Gildersleeve  holds  (Latin  Grammar, 
§  664,  Remark  1),  an  ultimate  analysis  would  show  every 
participle  to  be  dependent  in  nature ;  but  the  dependence 
here  is  so  slight  that  it  may  be  ignored.  Certainly  the 
function  of  the  participles  under  this  head  is  so  radically 


THE   APP0SIT1VE   PARTICIPLE    IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      269 

different  from  that  of  those  under  I.  and  II.  as  to  demand 
separate   consideration.     Nor  does   the  fact  that  in   modern 
English  we  not  infrequently  retain  the  participle  in  our  trans- 
lation of  (2)  (cf.  Mat.  13.  3)  invalidate  this  classification.    To 
define  the  class  negatively  :  all  appositive  participles  that  are  not 
equal  to  either  a  dependent  adjectival  or  a  dependent  adverbial 
clause   are   considered   as   equal   to   an  independent    clause. 
This  use  of  the  participle  is  commonly  recognized  by  Greek 
and   Latin  grammarians.      Thus,   in   the  remark  just  cited, 
Gildersleeve  admits  this  use  of  the  participle,  although  he 
objects  to  its  being  classed  as  co-ordinate:  "It  is  sometimes 
convenient  to  translate  a  Participle  Sentence  by  a  co-ordinate 
clause,   but   the   Participle    itself  is    never  co-ordinate,   and 
such  clauses  are   never  equivalents."     Goodwin   also  recog- 
nize- this  use;   in  §  832— §  844  of  his  Moods  and  Tenses  he 
designates  the  relations  expressed  by  his  "  Circumstantial  Par- 
ticiple "  as  follows  :  (1)  time,  (2)  means,  (3)  manner,  (4)  cause, 
(5)  purpose,  (6)  condition,  (7)  concession,  (8)  "  any  attendant 
circumstance,  the  participle  being  merely  descriptive;"    (9) 
"  that  in  which  the  action  consists."     His  (8)  and  (9)  cover 
exactly  the  ground  of  my  "participle  substantially  equivalent 
to  an  independent  clause;"  and  it  seems  to  me  that  to  give 
this  use  the  name  Co-ordinate  is  in  the  interest  of  simplicity. 
This   modification   made,  Goodwin's  "  Circumstantial   Parti- 
ciple" would  tally  perfectly  with  my  "Participle  equivalent 
to  a  dependent  adverbial  clause."     Fay  (!.  c.)  and  Milroy  (p.  16) 
explicitly  state  that  the  participle  is  occasionally  equivalent  to 
a  co-ordinated  finite  verb.      If  I  dwell  on  this  co-ordinate 
use  of  the  participle,  it  is  because  it  has  received  but  scant 
treatment  in  our  standard    English  and   German  grammars 
(see    March,    §  459  (4),    Matzner,    in,    p.   70  (c),   and    von 
Jagemann,  §  124,  c),  and   is   not    mentioned   in  any  of  the 
dissertations  on  Anglo-Saxon  or  Germanic  syntax  that  have 
come  under  my  notice.     Examples  are  as  follows: — (1): — 
Lk.  4.  39  :  he  standende  ofer  hig  $am  fefore  bebead  =  stans 
super  illam  imperavit  febri ;  ib.  10.  23 :  pa  cwaej>  he  to  his 
9 


270  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

leorningcnihtum  bewmd  =  Et  conversus  ad  diseipulos  suos 
dixit ; — Aelf.  L.  8.  146.  458:  behyddon  his  .  .  .  lichamao  .  .  . 
secgende;  Mat.  8.  25:  hy  awehton  hyne  'Sus  cweftende  = 
suscitaverunt  eum  dicentes ; — (2): — Mat.  11.  25:  Se  hselynd 
c\\f«|)  andswariende  =  respondens  Jesus  dixit;  ib.  13.  3  :  he 
sprseo  to  hym  fela  on  bigspellum,  civeftende  =  Et  locutus  est 
eis  multa  in  parabolis,  dicens;  Aelf.  L.  S.  80.  523:  sprseo 
mid  .  .  .  reorde  god  herigende. 

The  relative  frequency  of  these  three  uses  of  the  appositive 
participle — the  adjectival,  the  adverbial,  and  the  co-ordi- 
nate— may  be  gathered  from  these  figures  :  of  the  adjectival 
there  are  about  1223  instances  in  all,  881  in  the  prose  and 
342  in  the  poetry  ;  of  the  adverbial,  about  897  instances, 
691  in  the  prose  and  206  in  the  poetry;  of  the  co-ordinate, 
about  890  instances,  871  in  the  prose  and  19  in  the  poetry. 
In  all  about  3010  examples  of  the  appositive  participle  have 
been  collected,  of  which  1784  are  present  and  1226  are 
preterite. 

So  much  by  way  of  general  statement ;  let  us  now  con- 
sider the  three  classes  in  detail. 


I.   The  Appositive   Participle  is   Equivalent  to  a 
Dependent  Adjectival  (Relative)  Clause. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  adjectival  is  the  commonest  use  of 
the  appositive  participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  about  1223  examples 
occurring  in  all.  Of  this  number  881  occur  in  the  prose,  and 
342  in  the  poetry,  in  each  distributed  throughout  all  periods. 

The  adjectival  use  is  found  with  both  the  present  and  the 
preterite  participles,  but  is  far  more  frequent  with  the  latter 
than  with  the  former.  About  377  examples  occur  of  the  present 
participle,  and  about  846  of  the  preterite.  Examples  of 
each  participle  are  given  below. 

The  present  participle,  in  this  use,  has  the  power  of 
governing  a  direct  object,  but  it  occurs  far  more  frequently 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN    ANGLO-SAXON.      271 

without  an  object  than  with  one,  especially  in  Early  West 
Saxon  and  in  the  poetry,  in  the  latter  of  which  an  object  is 
almost  unknown.  In  all  we  have  270  present  participles 
without  an  object  and  107  with  an  object.  [See  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  Governing  Power  of  the  Participle,  in 
Chapter  III.] 

The  past  participle,  too,  can  have  an  object  (see  Explana- 
tory Note  to  Statistics),  and  in  the  poetry  usually  does ;  in 
prose  the  reverse  is  the  case.  Of  the  preterite  participles 
used  adjectivally,  609  have  no  object,  of  which  525  are 
found  in  the  prose  and  84  in  the  poetry ;  while  237  do  have 
an  object,  of  which  39  are  from  the  prose  and  198  from 
the  poetry. 

As  stated  in  my  Introduction,  not  a  few  scholars  deny  the 
adjectival  use  to  the  appositive  participle,  and  class  all  parti- 
ciples that  are  equivalent  to  a  relative  clause  as  attributive. 
I  have,  however,  already  explained  why  I  do  not  accept  this 
view,  and  have  shown  that  the  meaning  of  the  term  apposi- 
tive participle  has  been  extended  to  include  participles  equal 
to  relative  clauses.  Still  other  scholars  admit  that  the  parti- 
ciple equivalent  to  a  relative  clause  may  be  used  appositively, 
but  only,  they  maintain,  when  the  participle  denotes  an  act 
(in  the  largest  sense) ;  that  which  denotes  a  state  or  condition 
being  called  attributive.  It  appears  to  me  that,  in  so  doing, 
these  grammarians  are  confounding  two  distinct  things,  viz., 
the  classification  of  the  participle  by  its  nature  and  the 
classification  by  its  syntactical  relationship, — a  confusion  that 
should  be  avoided.  But  I  have  not  ignored  the  object  at 
which  these  scholars  aim,  namely,  sharply  to  discriminate, 
between  the  participle  that  has  strong  verbal  (assertive) 
power  and  the  participle  that  has  strong  adjectival  (descrip- 
tive) power;  on  the  contrary,  by  arranging  the  whole  of  my 
statistics  with  reference  to  whether  or  not  the  participle  is 
followed  by  an  object,  and  by  emphasizing  the  co-ordinate 
use  of  the  participle,  I  have  tried  to  segregate  the  more 
verbal    from    the    less   verbal   participles   to   a  degree   not 


272  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

attempted  hitherto  in  Anglo-Saxon.  To  apply  this  principle 
to  the  matter  in  hand,  the  participle  that  is  equivalent  to  an 
adjectival  (relative)  clause :  the  transitive  participle  with 
an  object  is  manifestly  nearer  a  verb  than  the  participle 
without  an  object.  Again,  the  preterite  participle  is  more 
like  an  adjective  than  is  the  corresponding  present  participle. 
This  will  sufficiently  explain  the  chief  differences  between 
my  statistics  and  those  of  former  investigators  as  to  the 
adjectival  use  of  the  appositive  participle. 

The  adjectival  use  occurs  in  most  of  the  texts,  prose  and 
poetical,  and  I  give  a  few  examples  here  from  the  chief 
writers  in  prose  and  in  poetry. 

I.    In  Prose. 

JEIfred: — Bede1  8.  2:  past  P  .  .  .  wses  siended  to  gely- 
fendum  Scottum  on  Crist  =  28.  15  :  Ut •  .  .  .  P.  ad  Scottos  in 
Christum  credentes  missus  est. — lb.  78.  15:  ^set  wiif  in 
blodes  flownesse  geseted  .  .  .  meahte  gehrinan  =  55.  25 :  Si 
ergo  in  fluxu  .  .  .  posita  .  .  .  potuit  tangere. — Boeth.  46.  27  : 
Hwset  is  heora  nu  to  lafe,  butan  se  lytla  hlisa  "j  se  nama  mid 
feaum  stafum  awriten  f  =  47 .  17:  Signat  superstes  fama 
tenuis  pauculis  Inane  nomen  litteris. —  Greg}  155.  10  :  Sonne 
he  ongiet  be  sumum  Singum  oSSe  Seawum  utanne  cetiewdum 
eall  ftset  hie  innan  bencea^  =  112a:  qui  discussis  quibusdam 
signis  exterius  apparenlibus  ita  corda  .  .  .  penetrat  etc. 

Ps.  Th. : — 20.  3  :  Su  sendest  his  heafod  kynegold,  mid 
deorwyrSum  gimmum  astcened  =  posuisti  in  capite  ejus 
coronam  de  lapide  pretioso. 

Chron. : — 755  F.  :  Sibertes  broker,  Cynehard  gehaten, 
ofsloh  Cynewulf  on  Merantune. 

Laws: — iElfred,  c.  9,  Title  :  Be  bearneacnum  wife  qfsJcege- 
num  [MS.  B. :  Be  Sam  $a?t  man  ofslea  wif  mid  cilde]. 

Bened.1: — 25.  16:  and  nu  fram  Sam  englum  us  betcehtum 
ure  weorc  .  .  .  beo$  gebodude  =  50.  13 :  et  ab  angelis  nobis 
deputcdis  .  .  .  opera  nostra  nuntiantur. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE    IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      273 

BL  Horn.  11.  7  :  ArweorSian  we  Crist  on  binne  asetene. 

JEffric: — L.  S.  54.  83:  gewendon  to  .  .  .  byrig,  Antiochia 
geciged  (sic  /). — lb.  78.  4941  * 2 :  Effrem  wa?s  gehaten  sum 
swiSe  halig  abbod  on  wsestene  wunigende,  fela  wundra 
wyrcende. 

Gosp. : — Mat.  8.  9  :  SoSlice  ic  eora  man  under  anwealde 
gesett  =  Nam  et  ego  homo  sum  sub  potestate  constitutus. — 
lb.  8.  17  :  -Sset  wsere  gefylled  -Sset  gecweden  is  $urh  esaiam 
•Sone  witegan,  bus  cweftende  (sic!). — lb.  11.  16  :  heo  ys  gelic 
sittendum  cnapun  on  foretige  =  Similis  est  pueris  sedentibus 
in  foro. 

Wulfst. : — 46.  7  :  wa  eow,  .  .  .  "Se  lecga^  togsedere  hamas 
and  sehta  on  unriht  begytene  on  seghwilce  healfe. — 181.  29: 
ealle  gemrenelice,  gehadode  and  Isewede,  bugon  to  gode  georne. 

II.    In  Poetry. 

Beow. : — 777:  3ser  fram  sylle  abeag  medubenc  monig 
mine  gefraege,  golde  geregnad. — lb.  1645:  pa  com  in  gan 
ealdor  "Segna,  dsedcene  mon  dome  gewwftad. 

El.: — 331  :  3ser  on  -Srymme  bad  .  .  .  geatolic  guftcwen 
golde  gehyrsted  (or  pred.  ?). — lb.  352  :  Swa  hit  eft  be  eow 
Essaias  witga  for  weorodum  wordum  mrelde,  deophycggende 
burh  dryhtnes  gast. 

Gen.: — 725:  hloh  3a  ^  plegode  boda  bitre  gehvgod. — lb. 
1836  :  hwset  sie  freondlufu  ellSeodigra  uncer  twega,  feorren 
cumenra. 


II.    The  Appositive  Participle   is  Equivalent  to  a 
Dependent  Adverbial  (Conjunctive)  Clause. 

Of  the  adverbial  use  of  the  appositive  participle  I  have 
found  about  897  examples,  691  in  the  prose  and  206  in 
the  poetry. 

The  present  participle  occurs  538  times  in  this  use,  and 
the  past  participle  359  times. 


274  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

Of  the  present  participles  430  have  no  object  and  108  have  ; 
of  the  preterite  participles  261  have  no  object,  while  98  have. 

In  its  adverbial  use  the  appositive  participle  denotes 
subordinate  relations  of  manner  and  means  (combined  here 
under  the  head  of  Modal),  of  time,  of  cause,  of  purpose,  of 
concession,  and  of  condition.  Of  course,  these  uses  so 
interlap  that  at  times  the  same  participle  can  with  propriety 
be  put  under  several  different  heads.  Where  classification 
is  so  largely  a  matter  of  subjectivity,  there  must  be  much 
room  for  difference  of  opinion.  I  trust,  however,  that  in 
the  main  my  classification  will  justify  itself  to  my  readers. 
According  to  my  estimate,  the  approximate  number  of  each 
use  is:  Modal,  319;  Temporal,  248;  Causal,  228;  Final, 
40;  Concessive,  33;  Conditional,  29. 

Let  us  look  at  each  for  a  moment  by  itself. 

I.   MODAL. 

The  Modal  use  of  the  appositive  participle  is  far  more 
frequent  in  Anglo-Saxon  prose  than  in  the  poetry,  257 
examples  occurring  in  the  former  and  62  in  the  latter. 

Of  these  319  examples  254  are  present  and  65  are  past. 

An  object  is  rarely  used  with  the  modal  participle,  only 
16  occurring  with  the  present  participle  and  22  with  the 
preterite. 

Though  occurring  in  all  periods  of  Anglo-Saxon,  the  modal 
participle  is  much  more  common  in  the  works  of  Alfred  than 
in  those  of  any  other  author.  In  his  Bede  and  his  Gregory 
the  construction  is  especially  frequent,  about  one-third  of  all  the 
examples  being  found  in  these  two  works.  Here,  as  my 
statistics  show,  the  Anglo-Saxon  participle  often  translates  a 
Latin  gerund  in  the  ablative ;  and  the  frequency  of  the 
gerund  in  the  two  originals  has  doubtless  caused  the  large 
number  of  modal  participles  in  the  two  translations. 

As  stated  above,  the  modal  participle  denotes  both  manner 
and   means.      It  is   not   always   easy   to  teiJ   which   notion 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      275 

predominates,    but    the    examples    below    will,   it    is    hoped, 
sufficiently  illustrate  the  two  tendencies. 

Some  participles  denoting  manner,  instead  of  being  equiva- 
lent to  a  dependent  adverbial  clause,  are  practically  equivalent 
to  a  simple  adverb,  as  in  :  Bede1  86.  22a&b :  ftset  he  wceccende 
Sohte  Sajt  he  [wo]  weotende  arsefnde=60.  28:  quia,  quod 
cogitauit  sciens,  hoc  pertnlit  nesciens ;  ib.  38.  1  :  pa  ...  he 
ealle  8a  witu  .  .  .  gcSyldelice  "j  gefeonde  abser  =  20.  1  :  Qui 
.  .  .  patienter  hsec  pro  Domino,  im mo  gaudenter  ferebat;  ib. 
310.  30:  pas  we  seondon  arfaestlice  fylgende  ^  rihtwuldriende 
=  239.  23:  Hos  itaque  sequentes  nos  pie  atque  orthodoxe ; 
JElf.  Horn.  1.  52 b:  he  for  Stem  stsenendum  loelwillende  gebsed  ; 
Mat.  5. 11:  secgea'S  selc  yfel  ongen  eow  leogende  for  me  = 
dixerint  omne  malum  adversnm  vos  mcntientes  propter  me; 
etc.,  etc.  Personally  1  believe  it  would  be  better  to  class  such 
words  as  participial  adverbs  rather  than  adverbial  participles  ; 
but,  as  I  hesitate  to  set  up  new  categories,  in  my  statistics 
I  have  retained  them  under  the  ordinary  rubric,  save  in  one 
or  two  cases  that  could  not  be  construed  as  participles,  like 
hreagende  (Greg.1  159.  18,  etc.:  see  Statistics).  This  use  of 
the  participle  as  an  adverb,  it  is  well  known,  is  common  in 
Greek  (see  Goodwin,  Greek  Grammar,  §  1564)  and  in  Latin 
(see  Gildersleeve,  Latin  Grammar,  §  325.  6).  In  Old  High 
German  it  was  so  very  frequent  that  there  was  developed  a 
regular  adverbial  form  of  the  participle  in  -o  (O.  Erdmann, 
Syntax  der  Sprache  Otfrids,  §  359  ;  see  below,  Chapter  v.).  I 
have  not,  however,  found  this  use  of  the  participle  treated  in 
Koch,  Miitzner,  March,  or  in  the  dissertations  on  Old  English 
syntax.  There  is  perhaps  a  suggestion  of  it  in  Cosijn  (il,  p. 
97),  who  writes  of  Greg}  159.  18  :  "adverbialisch  ^Sreagendef" 
Further  illustrations  are  given  under  "(2)  Manner"  below. 

(1)    Mean*. 
I.    In   Prose. 

JElfred: — Bed?1  22.9:    paet    se    b.   renne  dnmbne    monn 
gebiddende  gehaelde  =  282.  30  :  Ut  episcopus  mutum  benedi- 


276  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

cendo  curauerit.  So  gebkldende  =  orando  in  Bedt1  22.  11, 
22.  14,  etc.— lb.  72.  3a&b:  Ssette  oft  [seo  cirioe]  ««t  wiSer- 
worde  yfel  abeorende  "j  celdend  bewere'S  =  51.  29:  ut  ssepe 
malum  quod  aduersatur  portando  et  dissimulando  conpescat. — 
Greg}  53.  16:  Sua  si  micla  crseftiga  hieriende  toscyi'S  &  egesi- 
ende  stierS  ofermetta  mid  'Ssere  tselinge  his  hieremonnum,  3set 
he  hie  gebringe  on  life  =  30a :  Magnus  enim  regendi  artifex 
favoi'ibus  impellit,  terroribus  ret  rah  it :  ut  etc. — lb.  81.  10, 11 : 
3set  is  -SEet  he  spreeende  bebiet  $set  he  Sset  wyrcende  oSiewe, 
"Seet  hit  -Surli  "Sone  fultum  sie  forSgenge  =  54a :  quia  quod 
loquendo  imperat,  ostendendo  adjuvat  ut  fiat. — lb.  127.  6,  7: 
$a?t  mod  his  hieremonua  oliccende  egesige  &  ftreatigeride  olicce 
=  88b :  terrendo  demulceat,  et  tamen  ad  terroris  reverentiam 
dtmulcendo  constringat. — lb.  225.  22  :  fta  monn-Swsernesse  $e 
he  ser  'Surhtogen  hrefde  eft  ¥>eahtigende  on  yfel  gewend  [Cot- 
ton MS.:  gewent]  =170b :  et  mansuetudiuem,  quam  tolerautes 
habuerunt,  retractantes  in  malitiam  vertuut. 

Bened.1: — 2.  10:  nellen  ge  elciende  eowere  heortan  ahyrdau 
=  4.  15  :  nolite  obdurare  corda  vestra. 

Bl.  Horn. : — 89.  34a&b :  raiSe  he  lifgeude  ut  eode  of  his  byr- 
genne  mid  his  ageure  mihte  aweht. 

JElfric: — Horn.  1.  226b:  Mare  miht  wses,  ftset  he  $one  deaft 
mid  his  seriste  tobrsec,  •Sonne  he  his  lif  geheolde,  of  ftsere 
rode  astigende. — 76.,  n.  182a2:  ftone  $e  B.  na  handlunge  ac 
on-beseortde  fram  his  bendum  alysde. 

Gosp.: — Lh.  12.  25  :  Hwylc  eower  maeg  ftencende  ican  ane 
elne  to  his  anlicnesse  ?  =  Quis  autem  vestrum  cogitando 
potest  adjicere  ad  staturam  suam  cubitum  unum  ? — 31k.  15. 
30 :  gehsel  $e  sylfne  of  'Ssere  rode  stigende  =  Salvum  fac 
temetipsum  descendens  de  cruce. 

II.    In  Poetry. 

EL : — 449  :  Ne  mseg  sefre  ofer  "Sa3t  Ebrea  3eod  rccdfteaht- 
ende  rice  healdan.  [May  be  adjectival,  as  Schiirmann  and 
Garnett  hold.] 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       277 

(2)    Manner . 

I.    In   Prose. 

jEIfred : — Bede1  72.  9  :  "5a  Se  him  ne  ondrsedaS  ivrotonde 
syngian  =  52.  1  :    qui    non    metuunt   sciendo    peccare. — 76. 
102.  21:    is  ssegd   Sa3t    he    beodgeude  forecwsede  =  83.  27: 
fertur  minitans  prsedixisse. — Boeth}  3.  7  :  Hiv  B.  hine  sing- 
ende   gebaed,   y    his   earfoSu    to    Gode    msende. — lb.   9.    29  : 
Ongan  $a  giddien,  ^  Sus  singende  cwseS. — lb.  8.  15:  pa  ic 
-5a  -Sis  leo$,  cwseft  B.,  geomriende  asungen   hsefde,  $a  com 
etc.  =  4.  2  :  Hsec  dum  mecum  tacitus  ipse  reputarem  querimoni- 
amque  lacrimabilem  stili  officio  signarem,  adstitisse  .  .  .  uisa 
est  mulier  etc. —  Greg.1  185.   9:    seresS   mon    sceal    sprecan 
asciende,  suelce  he  be  cSruin  nienn  spreee  &  ascie  =  138a: 
prius    per    quasdam    similitudines    velut    de    alieno    negotio 
requirendi   sunt. — lb.  405.  31  :   hi  qfermodgiende  his  gebod 
forhogdon  =  superbiens  ejus  jussa  contempsit. — lb.  379.  23  : 
Hie  sceoldon  gehieran  hu  Essaias  se  witga  hreowsigende  hine 
selfne  tselde  =  294b :  Audiant  quod  Isaias  magna  voce  pceni- 
tentice  se  ipse  reprehendit. — lb.  381.  25:  cwseS  Saet  $a  scold  en 
bion    synderlice    Godes    ftegnas,    <5a    'Se    unwandiende   -Sara 
scyldegena   gyltas   ofslogen  =  296b :    illos   a   parte  Dei  de- 
nuntiavit    existere,    qui    delinquentium    scelera    incwnctanter 
ferirent  dicens  (or  adverb?) — 76.  117.  23:  ForSam  we  beo-S 
mid  Gode  sua  micle  suiSor  gebundne  sua  we  for  monnum 
orsorglicor  ungeicitnode  syngiaS  =  82a :  Tan  to  ergo  apud  Domi- 
num  obligatiores  sumus,  quanto  apud  homines  invite  peccamus. 
JElfric: — Horn.  1.  54b :  "Saet  Su  scealt  miltsigende  forgifan. — 
76.  i.  340al :  he  hit  bser  on  his  exlum  to  fttere  eowde  blissigende. 
Gasp.: — Mat.  6.  5 :  Sa  lufiaS  -bset  hig  gebiddon  hi  stavdende 
on    gesomnungum  =  qui    amant    in    synagogis   .    .    .   st antes 
orare. — Mk.  5.  40  :  inn-eodon  suwiende  -Sar  3a?t  mseden  wses 
=  inoreditur   ubi   puella   erat  jacons. — 76.    9.   24  :    icepende 
cwaeS  =  cum   lacrymis   aiebat. — LI:   22.   65  :    manega   oSre 
■Sing  hig   him   to   cwsedon   dysigende  =  alia  multa   blasphe- 
mantes  dicebant  in  eum. 


278  MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    JR. 

II.    In  Poetry. 

Beoic.  2062  :  him  se  oftcr  -Sonan  losaft  wigende,  con  him 
land  geare.  [If  we  adopt  Heyne's  Ufigende,  the  participle 
is  Final  instead  of  Modal.  See  below  under  Final]. — lb.  2235  : 
swa  hy  on  geardagum  gumena  nathwylc  eormenlafe  seSelan 
cynnes  ftavchycgende  ftsev  gehydde. — lb.  2595  :  niwan  stefne 
nearo  ftrowode  fyre  befongen,  se  "Se  ser  folce  weold.  [May 
be  Adjectival,  but  is  more  probably  Modal,  as  K.  Kohler 
puts  it.] 

Andr.  1 557  :  hean,  hygegeomor,  henfende  spreec.  [May  be 
Adjectival.] 

Gen.  1582:  ac  he  hlihende  bro^rum  sseffde. 

IT.    TEMPORAL. 

The  second  most  frequent  use  of  the  adverbial  appositive 
participle  is  to  denote  relations  of  time.  If  we  use  the  term 
temporal  in  a  very  broad  sense,  no  doubt  a  number  of  parti- 
ciples that  I  have  put  under  other  rubrics  might  be  put  here, 
since  almost  any  participle  may  be  looked  upon  as  indicating 
afier  a  fashion  a  time  relationship.  But  I  have  classed  as 
temporal  only  those  participles  in  which  the  idea  of  time 
seems  definite  rather  than  general.  Of  the  248  temporal 
participles  in  Anglo-Saxon,  200  are  found  in  the  prose,  and 
48  in  the  poetry. 

Of  these  participles  166  are  in  the  present  tense,  and  82 
in  the  preterite. 

As  with  the  modal  participle,  so  here  an  object  is  rare; 
28  occurring  with  the  present  participle  and  10  with  the 
preterite. 

As  my  table  shows,  the  temporal  participle  is  sprinkled 
throughout  the  periods  of  Anglo-Saxon. 

Examples  follow : — 

I.    In  Prose. 

jElfred : — Bede1  214.  11:  swa  eft  onlysed  $y  lichamon 
byrne$  =  166.  4  :  ita  solulus  corpore  ardebit. — lb.  264.  25 : 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       279 

song  $a  ingongende  ealle  gefylde  =  208.  25:  quod  ingressa 
[==  uox]  totum  imj)leuit. — lb.  142.  8:  saegde  he  ftset  he 
hine  [i.  e.,  here,  sanctuary]  eneoht  weosende  gesawe  (MS.  Ca : 
hine  cu-Se  cniht  wesende)  =  116.  12:  se  in  pucritia  uidisse 
testabatur. —  Greg}  93.  9  :  Hit  is  gecueden  Sat  se  sacerd 
scolde  sweltan,  gif  se  sweg  nsere  of  him  gehiered  eegSer  ge 
inngongendum  ge  utgongendwm,  etc.  =  62b :  Sarerdos  namque 
ingrediens  vel  egrediens  raoritur,  si  de  eo  sonitus  non  audi- 
tur.— lb.  399.  14  :  Sio  Segor  gehrelde  lath  Jleondne  =  31 8a : 
Segor  civitas,  quae  fugientem  salvet  infirmurn. 

JElfric: — Horn.  I.  232a :  Crist  ableow  -Sone  Halgan  Gast 
ofer  -ga  apostolas,  Sa-gyt  wunigende  on  eorftan. — lb.  n.  250b2 : 
Se  H.  $a  stod  on  Sam  domerne  gelcedd. 

Gosp.: — Mat.  7.  6  :  hig  Sonne  ongean  gcwende  eow  tosly- 
ton  =  eonversi  di  rum  pant  vos. — Mk.  15.  15  :  sealde  him  Sone 
hselend  beswungenne  =  tradidit  Jesum  flagellis  ccesum  (or 
Adjectival?). 

II.    In  Poetry. 

Beow.: — 535:  Wit  •Seet  gecwrednn  eniht-ioesende. — 76.815: 
wses  gehwseSer  o-Srum  lifigende  la$. 

EL: — 529  :  Dus  mec  feeder  min  on  fyrndagum  umceax- 
enne  word  urn  Iserde. 

Gen.: — 2169:  ac  ic  Se  lifigende  her  wr3  weana  gehwam 
wreo  "j  scylde. 

Ill  CAUSAL. 

Of  the  228  Causal  Participles,  157  belong  to  the  prose  and 
71  to  the  poetry. 

The  present  participle  is  found  56  times,  the  preterite  172 
times. 

An  object  occurs  with  the  present  participle  in  23  instances, 
and  with  the  preterite  in  51  instances. 

The  causal  use  is  pretty  evenly  distributed  throughout  the 
various  prose  and  poetical  texts. 

Not  a  few  of  the  examples  are  doubtful. 


280  MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    JR. 

I.    Iii  Prose. 

JElfred: — Bede1  8.  5  :  piet  Bryttas  mid  $y  mserran 
hungre  genedde  fta  elreordian  of  heora  gemserum  adrifan  = 
29.  12:  Ut  Brettones  fame  famosa  coacti  barbaros  suis  e 
finibus  pepulerint. — lb.  62.  13  :  he  ft  a  gpfeonde  waes  gefulwod 
=  47.  22:  credens  baptizatus  est. — lb.  186.  31  :  ac  heo  swa 
ondrceden.de  from  him  gewat  =  151.  10:  quin  in  tantum 
timens  aufugit. 

jElfric: — Horn.  I.  380b2:  he  feallende  tobserst  on  feower 
sticca. — lb.  I.  594bl :  Egeas  gecebyligd  het  hine  ahon. 

Gos. : — Mk.  3.  5b :  ofer  liyra  Iieortan  blindnesse  geunret 
cwse$  =  contristatus  super  cascitate  .  .  .  dicit. — Mat.  14.  8  : 
Da  cw8e"8  heo  fram  hyre  meder  gemyngod  =  At  ilia  prcemonita 
a  matre  sua  .  .  .  iuquit  (or  Temporal?). — lb.  15.  31:  swa 
ftset  $a  msenegu  wundredon  geseonde  dumbe  sprecende  etc.  = 
Ita  ut  turbae  mirarentur  videntes  mutos  loquentes. — Lk.  4.  28: 
Da  wurdon  hig  ealle  on  3sere  gesamnunge  mid  yrre  gefylled, 
■Sas  $ing  gehyrende=  Et  repleti  sunt  omnes  in  synagoga  ira, 
hsec  audientes. 

II.    In  Poetry. 

Andr.  436 :  wreteregesa  sceal  geftyd  -j  geftreatod  $urh  ^5ry$- 
cining,  lagu  lacende  liSra  wyrSan. — lb.  746  :  o&Se  sel  nyton 
mode  gemyrde. 

El.  1128:  he  San  nseglan  onfeug  egesan  geaclod  •j  bsere 
arwyHSan  cwene  brohte. 

Gen.  1571 :  SwiSe  on  slsepe  sefa  nearwode,  $set  he  ne  mihte 
on  gemvnd  drepen  hine  handum  self  mid  hraegle  wryon  "j 
sceome  'Seccau. 

IV.  FINAL. 

The  appositive  participle  denoting  purpose  is  rare,  only  40 
examples  having  been  found ;  39  in  the  prose,  and  1  in  the 
poetry  (doubtful). 

This  use  is  confined  almost  exclusively  to  the  present  parti- 
ciple; but  one  example  occurs  in  the  preterite  {JElfr.  Horn.  I. 
134b),  and  that  is  doubtful. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      281 

The  final  participle  has  an  object  oftener  than  not ;  of  the 
39  present  participles  35  have  an  object.  The  single  example 
of  the  preterite  participle  has  no  object. 

A  glance  at  the  table  will  show  that  only  three  examples 
have  been  found  in  Early  West  Saxon  :  two  in  Bede,  each 
answering  to  a  Latin  participle ;  and  one  in  Gregory,  cor- 
responding to  a  Latin  infinitive  of  purpose.  Most  of  the 
examples  occur  in  yElfric's  Homilies  and  in  the  Gospels. 

Among  the  examples  may  be  cited  : — 

I.    In  Prose. 

JElfred: — Bede1  10.  7:  bod  ode ;  -}  swa  mid  his  lef- 
nysse  Godes  word  bodigende  on  Cent  eode  =  44.  25 :  sic 
Cantiam  prcedicaturus  intraucrit  (or  Pred.  ?). — lb.  276.  12: 
licode  us  efencuman  sefter  "beawe  arwyrbra  rehta  smeagende 
be  'Satn  etc.  =  215.  1  :  placuit  conuenire  nos,  tractaturos  de 
etc. —  Greg}  61.  3:  Se  Isece  .  .  .  $e  garb  asfter  o$ra  monna 
husum  kecnigende  =  36a :  percussum  mederi  properat. 

Bened}  135.  27  :  snrae  heora  fnada  and  wrsedas  gemicclia^ 
idel  lof  fram  mannum  begi/tende  =  232.  2  :  alii  fimbrias  et 
phylacteria  sua  magnificant,  gloriam  captantes  ab  hominibus. 
— lb.  134.  13  :  Ober  cyn  is  muneca,  $e  feor  fram  mannum 
gewitab  ond  westestowa  and  aelsetu  and  anwunung  gelufiab 
geefenlcecende  Elian  =  231.  6:  Secundum  genus  est  eremi- 
tarum  qui,  procul  ab  hominibus  recedentes,  deserta  loca  et 
vastas  solitudines  sequi,  atque  habitare  perhibenter,  ad  imita- 
tionem  scilicet  Eliae. 

JElfrie: — Horn.  1.  74a :  Hi  ba  begen  bone  apostol  gesohton, 
his  miltsunge  biddende. — lb.  1.  134b :  gebrohte  beet  cild  <5e 
heo  acende,  H.  C,  gelacod  to  Sani  Godes  temple  (or  adjec- 
tival?).— lb.  1.  33815:  "  -Sonne  forlset  he  ba  nigon  and  hund- 
nigontig  on  westene  and  ga?3  secende  'beet  an  be  him  losode  " 
[or  Pred.  ?    Cf.  Med.  18.  12 ;  g8B$  and  seeb  =  vadit  quserere]. 

Gosp.: — Mat.  19.  3:  pa  genealsehton  him  to  farissei  hyne 
costnigende  •j  cwsedon  =  Et  accesseruut  ad  eum  Pharissei  ten- 


282  MORGAN  CALLAWAY,   JR. 

tantes  eura,  et  dicentes. — Lk.  2.  45 :  hig  gewendon  to  hieru- 
salem  hyne  secende  =  regressi  sunt  in  Jerusalem  requirentes 
eura. — J.  6.  6  :  "Sset  he  cwseft  his  fandigende  =  Hoc  autem 
dicebat  tentans  eura.     So  J.  8.  6  :  fandiende. 

II.    In  Poetry. 

Beoiv.  2062:  if  we  read  lifigende ;  but  we  have  the  modal 
use  if  we  read  wigende  (see  above,  under  Modal). 

Dan.  355 :  wearS  se  hata  lig  todrifen  "j  todwa?sced,  ftser  $a 
dsedhwaton  geond  "Sone  ofen  eodon  •j  se  engel  mid,  feorh 
nerigende,  se  'Se  $aer  feorSa  wees,  Annanias  ~\  Azarias  j  Miscel 
(or  pred.?). 

V.   CONCESSIVE. 

The  concessive  use  of  the  appositive  participle  is  somewhat 
rarer  even  than  the  final.  33  examples  occur  in  all,  25  in 
the  prose,  and  8  in  the  poetry. 

Of  these  19  are  in  the  present,  aud  14  in  the  past  tense. 

An  object  is  very  rare,  only  4  occurring  with  each  of  the 
two  participles. 

As  to  its  distribution,  but  three  examples  have  been  found 
in  Early  West  Saxon,  namely,  one  each  in  Bede,  Gregory, 
and  Orosius,  the  two  first  corresponding  to  Latin  participles, 
and  all  being  doubtful.  Most  of  the  instances  are  in  the 
Gospels.  One  example  occurs  in  each  of  these  poems : 
Beowulf,  Elene,  Genesis,  Gulhlac,  Juliana,  and  Metres  of 
Boethius,  and  two  in  the  Phoenix. 

The  following  will  serve  as  examples: — 

I.    In  Prose. 

JEfred: — Bede1  278.  18b:  Gif  he  sene  sijm  onfongen, 
haten  ham  hweorfan,  ne  wille,  etc.  =  216.  16b:  Quod  si  semel 
susceptus  noluerit  inuitatus  redire,  etc.  [May  be  temporal, 
as  Miller  translates.] — Greg.  153.  1 :  Ac  monige  scylda  open- 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       283 

lice  witene  beo$  to  forberanne  =  110a :  Nonnulla  autem 
vel  aperte  cognita,  mature  toleranda  sunt,  etc.  [May  be 
adjectival.] — Oro.s.  250.  14:  iEfter  bosm  Germanie  gesohton 
Agustus  ungeniedde  him  to  frifte.     [May  be  modal.] 

JElfric : — Horn.  I.  596b  8 :  forSan  3e  he  ue  geswicS  so$  to 
bodigenne,  mi  twegen  dagas  cucu  hangigende. 

Gosp.: — Mat.  13.  13a&b:  forSam  ic  spece  to  him  mid 
bigspellum,  forSam  3e  lociende  big  ne  geseoft  j  gehyrende 
hig  ne  gehyraft  =  quia  videntes  non  videat,  et  audientes  non 
audiunt.  So:  Mk.  4.  I2a&b;  Lk.  8.  10a&b.— Lk.  5.  5b : 
Eala  bebeodend  ealle  niht  swincmde  we  naht  ne  gefengon  = 
Prasceptor,  per  totam  noctem  laborantes,  nihil  cepimus. — lb. 
6.  35:  la?ne  sylla-S  nan  -Sing  Galium  eft  gehihtende  =  date, 
nihil  inde  sperantes. 

II.    In  Poetry. 

Beow.  2350  :  for  -Son  he  ser  fela  nearo  neftende  ni$a  gedigde. 
[K.  Kohler  classes  as  modal,  but  Garnett  translates  as  con- 
cessive. J 

Gen.  2649 :  Me  ssegde  ser  -Seet  wif  hire  wordum  selfa 
unfricgendum,  ftset  etc. 

Guth.  1260:  Bad  se  "Se  sceolde  eadig  on  elne  endedogor 
avrecen  wselstrselum.  [Furkert :  Pred.  after  intransitive 
verb,  but  Gollancz  translates  as  appositive  and  conces- 
sive.] 

Jul.  241  :  Symle  heo  wuldorcyning  herede  eet  heortan 
heofonrices  god  in  "Sam  nydclafan,  nergend  fira,  heolstre 
bihelmad. 

Phoenix:  162  :  Donne  wa'Sum  strong  west  gewiteS  wintrum 
gebyagad  fleogan  feSrum  snel. — Jb.  368:  ForSon  he  drusende 
deaS  ne  bisorgaft. 

Metres  of  Boetli.  11.  34:  Swa  beefS  geheaftserod  hefonrices 
weard  mid  his  anwealde  ealle  gesceafta,  ^set  hiora  seghwilc 
\vi$  o$er  win$,  ~\  -Sean  icinnende  wreSiaiS  fseste  =  48.  3  : 
Quod  pugnantia  semina  foedus  perpetuum  tenent. 


284  MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    JR. 

VI.    CONDITIONAL. 

Least  frequent  of  all  the  adverbial  uses  of  the  appositive 
participle  is  the  conditional.  Of  the  29  examples  13  are  in 
the  prose  and  16  in  the  poetry. 

The  present  participle  is  used  4  times,  the  preterite  25. 

Twice  the  present  participle  has  an  object,  and  11  times 
the  preterite  participle. 

In  Early  West  Saxon,  I  have  found  only  4  examples  (1  in 
Betle  and  3  in  Boethius).  Late  West  Saxon,  also,  has  very 
few  examples,  there  being  one  doubtful  example  in  JElfrie  and 
two  in  the  Gospels.  In  the  poetry  are  represented  Beoivuff  (2), 
Genesis  (3),  Exodus  (2),  Eadgar  (1),  Andreas  (3),  Elene  (2), 
Riddles  (2),  and  Metrical  Psalms  (1). 

As  my  quotations  show,  several  of  these  examples  are 
quite  doubtful. 

Typical  examples  are: — 

I.    In  Prose. 

JElfred: — Bede1  278.  18a:  Gif  he  sene  si$a  onfongen  haten 
ham  hweorfan  [ne  wille]  =  216.  16a  :  Quod  si  semel  susceptus 
noluerit  inuitatus  red  ire  etc, — Boeth}  30.  25,  26  :  Ac  gif  hi 
yfele  sint  }  lytige  bonne  sint  hi  Se  pliolicran  *j  geswincfulran 
heefd  Sonne  ncefd;  forSsem  yfele  "Segnas  bioS  simle  heora 
hlafordes  fiend  =  37.  47  f. :  Qui  si  uitiosi  moribus  sint,  per- 
niciosa  domus  sarcina  et  ipsi  domino  uehementer  inimica. — 
lb.  91.8:  Ne  ma3g  ic  nane  cwuce  wuht  ongitan  Sara  Se  wite 
hwset  hit  wille,  oSSe  luvset  hit  nylle,  Se  ungened  lyste  for- 
weorSan  =  78.  45  :  nihil  inuenio,  quod  nullis  extra  cogentibus 
abiciant  manendi  intentionem  et  ad  interitum  sponte  festinent. 

Bened}  28.  2 :  geneadod  to  anre  mile  gange,  gang  willes 
twa  =  54.  7  :  angariati  milliario  vadunt  duo. — 16.  28.  6. 

Gosp.: — Mk.  7.  15:  Nis  nan  Sing  of  Sam  men  gangende 
Sset  hine  besmitan  maBge  =  Nihil  est  extra  hominem  introiens 
in  eum  quod  possit  eum  coiuquinore.     [May  be  adjectival  or 


THE    APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IX   ANGLO-SAXON.      285 

temporal.] — lb.  7.  18  :  Ne  ongyte  ge  $9et  eall  Sset  utan  cynrS 
on  Sone  man  gangende  ne  maeg  hine  besmitan?  =  Nou  intelli- 
gitis  quia  orane  extrinseeus  introiens  etc.    [May  be  temporal.] 

II.    In  Poetry. 

BeAv.  1368,  1370:  Sean  3e  hseSstapa  hundum  geswenced, 
heorot  hornum  trum  holtwudu  sece,  feorran  geflymed,  ser  he 
feorh  seleft. 

Gen.  1263:  SiSSan  hundtwelftig  geteled  rime  wintra  on 
worulde  wrseee  bisgedon  fa3ge  Seoda.  So  geteled  rime(s) : 
Gen.  1336,  2344;  Exod.  372;  Andr.  1035;  Eadgar  11  ;  El. 
2  and  634;  Metr.  Ps.  67.  17. 

Exod.  232  :  Wses  on  anra  gehwam  aeftelan  cynnes  alesen 
under  lindum  leoda  dugufte  on  folcgetael  fiftig  cista ;  haefde 
cista  gehwilc  cirSes  werodes  garberendra,  gu^fremmendra  -x- 
hund  geteled  tireadigra. 

Andr.  883  :  Swylce  we  gesegon  for  suna  meotndes  seftelum 
ecne  eowic  standan,  twelfe  geteatde,  tireadige  hsele^S. 

Middles  24.  15,  16:  JNelle  ic  unbunden  aenigum  hyran 
nymbe  searosceled.  Saga,  hwset  ic  hatte !  [24.  15  may  be 
temporal.] 

III.   The  Appositive  Participle  is  Substantially 
Equivalent  to  an  Independent  Clause. 

Of  the  890  co-ordinate  participles  871  are  found  in  the 
prose,  and  19  in  the  poetry. 

The  present  participle  occurs  869  times,  and  the  preterite 
21  times. 

An  object  is  found  far  more  frequently  with  the  co-ordi- 
nate than  with  the  adjectival  or  the  adverbial  participle, 
there  being  633  instances  with  the  present,  and  2  with  the 
past  participle. 

The  co-ordinate  participle  is  very  rare  in  Early  West  Saxon 
and  in  the  poetry ;  and  whenever  it  .occurs  in  the  works  of 
10 


286  MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    JR. 

JElfred,  it  is  in  translation  of  a  Latin  appositive  participle. 
It  is  very  common  in  Benedict,  in  the  works  of  JS/fric,  in 
the  Gospels,  and  in  Benet. 

I  add  a  few  examples  to  those  already  given  in  defining 
the  co-ordinate  use  of  the  appositive  participle.  They  are 
arranged  under  two  heads:  (1)  the  participle  denotes  an 
accompanying  circumstance;  (2)  the  participle  repeats  the 
idea  of  the  principal  verb.  The  former  may  conveniently  be 
designated  as  the  "circumstantial"  participle  in  the  narrower 
sense;  the  latter,  as  the  "  iterating"  participle. 

(1)    The  "Circumstantial"  Participle. 
I.    In   Prose. 

JElfred :—Bedel  312.  23a&b:  we  wuldriab  usserne  Drihten 
swa  swa  3as  wuldredon,  noht  tocetecevde  o'&Se  onweg  ateonde  = 
240.  18a&b:  glorificamus  Dominum  sicut  .  .  .,  nihil  addentes 
uel  subtrahentes. — lb.  312.  25,  27  :  3a  be  heo  onfengon  we  eac 
swelce  on  fob,  wxddriende  God  Feeder  3  his  Sunn  =  240.  20,  21 , 
22  :  .  .  .  susci pi m us, gloriftcantes  Deum  et  filium  eius. — lb.  332. 
16:  Forbon  3e  in  $sem  ilcan  mynstre.  .  .  Hereswi$  .  .  . 
regollicum  beodscipum  underfteoded,  in  $a  tid  baad  $one  ecan 
sige  =  253.  10 :  Nam  H.,  .  .  .,  regularibus  subdita  discipli- 
nis;  expectabat  (doubtful). — Other  examples: — Bcde  10. 
12  :  biddende  =  petens ;  14.  4  :  biddende  =  postulans ;  310. 
1  :  feohtende  =  compngnantes  ;  438.  30  :  sittende  =  residens. 
—  Oros.1  12.  32,  33:  "bonne  forb  'Sonan  west  irnende  heo 
toli'S  on  twa  ymb  an  igland  $e  mon  hset  Meroen,  3  ftonan 
bugende  ut  on  ftone  Wendelsa?  .  .  .  ftret  seo  ea  bib  flowende  ofer 
eal  JEgypta  lond  =13.  20,  22  :  iEgyptus  inferior  .  .  .  habet 
.  .  .  fluviumque  Nilum,  qui  etc.  .  .  .  deinde  diu  ad  occasum 
profluens,  faciensque  insulam  nomine  Meroen  in  media  sui : 
novissime  ad  septentrionem  wflexus  plana  JEgypti  rigat. 

Chron.  656  E  (p.  33l) :  seo  papa  seonde  3a  his  writ  3us 
cwafoend  (or  adjectival  ?).     So  675  E  (p.  35b). 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE    IN   ANGLO— SAXON.      287 

Bened.1  30.  3 :  swigean  heaklmde  ne  sprece  o$  Sset  he  geah- 
sod  sy  =  56.  19:  taciturnitatem  habeas  usque  ad  interroga- 
tionem  non  loquatur. 

JEtfric: — Horn.  1.  48a :  And  gebigde  his  cneowu,  mid 
micelre  sterane  clypigende  etc. — lb.  1.  62a :  Iohannes  beseah 
to  heofonum,  "Sns  cwe§ende. 

Gasp.:  Med.  9.  29:  f)a  asthran  he  hyra  eagena  aceftynde 
=  Tunc  tetigit  oculos  eorum,  dieens. — Mk.  1.  41  :  his  hand 
aftenode  3  liina  cethrinende  [ms.  Hatton  :  cetkrinede]  *j  -Sus 
cwseS  =  extendit  manum  suam,  et  tangens  eum,  ait  illi. 

Benet  31.16:  mid  ealre  gehyrsunmessa  hine  sylfne  Seowde 
ealdre  geefenlazcende  drihtnes  =  omni  obedientia  se  subdat 
raajori,  immitans  dominum. 

II.     In  Poetry. 

Beow.  916  :  HwWum  flitende  fealwe  streete  mearum  mseton. 

Christ  950  :  Ond  on  seofon  healfa  swoga"S  windas,  blawa$ 
brecende  bearhtma  rnseste. — lb.  1016  :  ForSon  nis  senig  wun- 
dor  hu  him  woruldmonna  seo  undone  gecynd  cearum  sorgende 
hearde  ondrede  •Sonne  etc.  (or  adjectival?) 

Metres  of  Bceth.  20.  212:  swa  deS  monnes  saul  hweole 
gelicost,  hwasrfeS  ymbe  hy  selfe  oft  smeogevde  ymb  -Sas  eor$- 
lican  drihtnes  gesceafta  dagum  j  nihtum. — lb.  20.  214,  221 : 
secende. 

Met.  Ps.  50.  1.  56  (Cot.) :  Ac  3u  synfulle  simle  laerdes,  $£et 
hio  cerrende  Criste  herdon  3  hiom  lif  mid  3e  langsum  begeton. 

(2)    The  "Iterating"  Participle. 

I.    In  Prose. 

JElfred : — Bedt1  330.  30  :  heo  of  eorSan  alceded  leorde  -Sy 
fifteoSan  daege  etc.  =  252.  20  :  de  terris  ablata  transuiuit. — 
lb.  210.  26  :  wool  .  .  .  feor  3  wide  grimsigende  micle  menigeo 
monna  afylde  3  fornom  =  192.  4  :  longe  lateque  desceui- 
ens  .  .  .  strauit. — lb.  312.  2  :  sefter  heora  lare  .  . .  geSwaerelice 


288  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

we  gelyfaft  ondettende  239.  24 :  iuxta  doctrinam  eorum  pro- 

fessi  credimus  consonanter,  et  confiternur. Oros.1  240.  9  : 

wepende  rnamde  3a  unare. 

Chron.  1083  Eb:  gyrne  cleopedon  to  Gode  his  miltse 
biddende  (or  final?). 

JBened.1  4.  10:  Be  •Sseru  ilican  andgyte  se  hselend  cwi^  on 
$aarn  halgan  godspelle  Sus  elypiende  =  8.  16  :  Unde  et  Domi- 
nus  in  Evangelio  ait. — 76.  11.  8:  hy  fteak  forhogiende  me 
forsawon  =  18.  21  :  ipsi  autem  contemnentes  spreverunt  me 
(or  modal?). 

JElfric: — Horn.  1.  104b:  -Sees  Feeder  stemn  of  heofenum 
hlude  swegde,  Sus  cioedende. — lb.  1.  294b :  him  to  sprsec 
ymbe  Godes  rice,  samod  mid  him  reordigende. 

Gosp.: — Mat.  8.  31  :  $a  deofla  soSlice  hyne  baedon,  ftus 
cweftende  =  Daemones  autem  rogabant  earn  dicentes. — lb.  9. 
30:  se  h.  bebead  him  cweftende  =  comminatus  est  il lis  Jesus, 
dicens. — lb.  11.  25:  Se  h.  cwarS  andswariende  =  respondens 
Jesns  dixit. — lb.  12.  10:  hi  ahsudun  hyne  "Sus  cwe$ende  = 
interrogabant  eum,  dicentes. — lb.  13.  31  :  He  rehte  him  •Sa 
gyt  oSer  big-spel,  "Sus  cweftende  =  .  .  .  proposuit  eis,  dicens. 
— Mk.  3.  1 1 :  *Sus  cweftende  clypedon  =  clamabant  dicentes. 

Wulfst.  199.  15  :  be  ^am  awrat  Iohannes  on  -Saere  bee, 
•Se  man  hat  apocalipsin,  -Sus  cweftende.  So  201.  8. — lb.  246. 
11  :  svva  se  witega  "Se  lserS  $us  cw&ende:  sepi  aures  tuas 
spin  is. 

Benet}  30.  14  :  gewrit  bebyt  secgende  =  scriptura  praecipit 
dicens. 

II.    In  Poetry. 

Andr.  59:  He  $a  wepende  weregum  tearum  his  sigedrihten 
sargan  reorde,  grette  gumena  brego  geomran  stefne. 

Christ  387  :  ForSan  hy,  daedhwsete,  dome  geswiSde,  $set 
soSfseste  seraphinnes  cynn,  uppe  mid  englum  a  bremende, 
unaSreotendum  ftrymrnurn  singaS.  [Hertel :  pred.  after 
intransitive    verb.] — lb.    992 :     Wepaft    wanende    wergnm 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       289 

stefnum,  heane,  hygegeomre,  hreownra  gedreahte.  [Hertel : 
attrib.,  but  Gollancz  :  "weep  and  moan."] 

Guth.  401  :  Bonan  gnornedon,  mrendon  murnende,  -$a3t  etc. 
[May  be  adjectival  or  modal.] — lb.  879  :  hwilum  wedende 
swa  wilde  deor  cirmdon  on  corSre. 

Jul.  662  :  Wserlic  me  SinceS,  Sset  ge  wceccende  wi$  het- 
tendra  hildewoman  wearde  healdan. 

Spirit  of  Men  82 :  ForSon  we  sculon  a  hycgende  hselo 
rsedes  gemunan  in  mode  msele  gehwylcum  Sone  selestan 
sigora  waldend  !     Amen  ! 

Harrowing  of  Hell  91  :  Sonne  hy  gehyrdon,  hu  we  hreo- 
w[ige]  [ma?ndo]n  murnende  maeg  burg  usse.  [May  be 
adjectival  or  modal.] 

Met.  Ps.  104.  10  :  And  him  Su  mid  sobe  ssegde,  cwe&ende  = 
Et  statuit  illud  Jacob  in  prseceptum,  et  Israel  in  testamentum 
seternum,  dicens. — lb.  105.  4  :  Gemune  us,  drihten,  on  mod- 
sefan  forS  hycgende  folces  Sines  3  us  mid  haslo  her  geneose 
=  Memento  nostri,  Domine,  in  beneplacito  populi  tui ;  visita 
nos  in  salutari  tuo. — lb.  138.  17  :  Blodhreowe  weras  !  ge 
bebugaS  me,  Se  beet  on  geSohtum  SenceaS  cwe^Sende  =  Viri 
sanguinum  declinate  a  me;  quia  dicitis  in  cogitationibus 
vestris.  [Cf.  104.  10:  where  cweSende  =  dicens.] — lb.  146. 
10:  Se  $e  mete  syleS  manegum  neatum,  hrefnes  briddum, 
Sonne  heo  hropende  him  cigeaS  to,  cubes  yeses  =  Sui  dat 
jumentis  escam  ipsorum,  et  pullis  corvorum  invocantibus  eum. 

NOTES. 

1.  Prevent  Participle  in  a  Passive  Sense. — I  have  found 
no  instance  of  the  present  participle  used  in  a  passive  sense 
in  Old  English.  [Cf.  Kellner, Syntax  des Englisches  Verbums, 
p.  85  f. ;  Koch,  n,  p.  72  ;  Matzner,  n,  p.  56  ;  Sweet,  §  2312  ; 
and,  for  the  Germanic  languages  in  general,  O.  Erdmann, 
Grundzuge,  I,  §  132  f. ;  Falk  and  Torp,  §  138, 1;  and  Grimm, 
iv,  p.  68.] 


290  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JE. 

2.  Passive  Participle  in  an  Act  ire  Sense. — The  preterite 
participle  of  intransitive  verbs  has  an  active  sense,  such 
as  cumen,  forftfered,  etc. :  Bede1  396.  20 :  in  iSsere  he  /orS- 
fered  bebyrged  beon  sceolde  =  228.  9:  in  quo  defunctus 
condi  deberet;  jE(f.  L.  8.  462.  351:  oSSast  hi  becoraon 
to  sumum  sen li cum  felcla  fsegre  geblowen  (sic!);  Bl.  Horn. 
87.  36:  befealden  to  Hselendes  cneowum,  he  cwseS ;  Hat. 
7.  6  :  hig  'Sonne  ongean  gewende  eovv  toslyton  =  conversi 
dirumpant  vos.  Cf.  bewend  in  Mk.  5.  30;  L.  7.  9,  10.  23, 
etc.  Occasionally,  too,  the  past  participle  of  transitive  verbs 
has  an  active  sense:  Greg}  435.  1  :  gif  hi  fserlecor  syngoden 
unbeftohte  =  360.  7  :  si  in  his  sola  prascipitcdione  cecidis- 
sent  (or  adverb?);  uEtf.  L.  8.  XXIV.  2:  waeron  twegen 
kyningas  on  crist  gelyfde ;  ib.:  xxv.  109,  xxvur.  15,  etc. 
(see  Statistics);  JElf.  Horn.  I.  66.  12:  -Sonne  faerlice  gewitt 
he  of  Sissere  worulde,  nacod  and  forscyldigod.  But,  as  in 
High  German  (see  Grimm  as  cited  below),  the  use  of  the 
preterite  participle  in  an  active  sense  occurs  usually,  not 
when  the  participle  is  appositive,  but  when  it  is  attributive 
or  predicative,  or  has  been  substantivized;  under  one  of 
which  heads  come  most  of  the  examples  cited  by  Matzner, 
March,  Schrader,  and  Sohrauer.  Druncen  in  trine  druncen 
and  in  beore  druncen,  cited  by  Matzner  and  by  March  as 
active,  seems  to  me  passive  in  sense.  [See  Kellner,  Syntax 
des  Verburm,  p.  97  f. ;  Koch,  n,  p.  72  ;  Matzner,  nr,  p.  93  ; 
March,  §  455;  Schrader,  §  104;  Sohrauer,  p.  31;  Sweet, 
§  2356  ;  and,  for  Germanics,  O.  Erdmann,  Grundzuge  I., 
§  133 ;  Falk  and  Torp,  §  138,  n ;  Grimm,  iv.,  p.  73.] 

3.  Supplementary  Particles. — Only  slight  use  is  made  of 
supplementary  particles,  which  serve  the  more  clearly  to  indi- 
cate the  relationship  of  the  participial  to  the  main  clause. 
They  seem  to  be  confined  to  the  late  West  Saxon  prose. 
Examples:  swa  swa:  sEtf.  L.  8.  xxnr.  B.  234:  ongan  he 
sworettan  swa  swa  eallunga  gewsecced  on  "Sam  oreSe  belocen; 
swa  -Sea/t:  jE'f.  Hept.  Numb.  15.  44 :  Hig  swa  fteah  ablende 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      291 

l>eotlice  astigon  =  At  illi  contenebrati  ascenderunt ;  ib.  JElf. 
L.  $,  xxxi.  42; — swa-Seah-hwar&ere :  JElf.  L.  S.  xxm.  B. 
285  :  ic  eom  synful  wif,  swafteahhwceSere  utan  ymbseald  mid 
■5am  halgan  fulluhte ; — swilce:  JElf.  Horn.  I.  60b :  Drusiana 
•5a  aras  swilce  of  slaepe  awreht ;  ib.  JElf.  L.  S.  158.  174,  xxv. 
513,  xxx.  411,  etc. ;— 5a:  JElf.  L.  S.  xxm.  B.  587  :  Zosimus 
5a  witodlice  gehyrende  5aet  ...  he  hire  to  cwae5 ;  ib.  Mk. 
8.  13; — 'Sonne:  Mat.  7.  6:  hig  Sonne  ougean  gewende  eow 
tosliton  =  et  conversi  dirumpuut ;  ib.  yE/f.  Horn.  i.  38b ;  jElf. 
L.  S.  xxm.  B.  115.— Matzner  (in,  pp.  73,  90)  mentions  only 
swilce. 

4.  Pleonastic  "  and." — As  with  the  absolute  participle  (see 
Absolute  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  21)  so  with  the  apposi- 
tive  there  is  occasionally  a  pleonastic  and:  Btde1  450.  20; 
Oros.1  1 2.  32,  33 ;  Bl.  Horn.  243.  7  ;  JElf.  L.  S.  xxm.  B.  542, 
560,  588,  etc.,  etc.  The  same  is  true  of  Gothic  and  of  Old 
High  German  (Gering,  p.  401). 

I  close  this  chapter  with  tables  showing  the  distribution 
of  the  appositive  participle  in  its  several  uses  (adjectival, 
adverbial,  and  co-ordinate),  in  the  whole  of  Anglo-Saxon 
Literature. 


292 


MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 


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THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      297 


CHAPTER   TIL 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  APPOSITIVE  PARTICIPLE  IN 
ANGLO-SAXON. 

Is  the  appositive  use  of  the  participle  a  native  English  idiom, 
or  is  it  borrowed  from  the  Latin  ? 

The  only  direct  expressions  that  are  known  to  me  on  this 
question  are  from  Einenkel  and  myself.     In  his  MUtelenglische 
Syntax  (Miinster,  1887),  p.  273,  in  treating  the  present  parti- 
ciple, Einenkel  says  :  "  Das  Part,  in  appositiver  Stellung  (im 
Deutschen  wiederzugeben  dnrch  Adjectiv-Satz)  findet  sich  gele- 
gentlich  im  AE.,  haufiger  im  Afranz.,  ist  jedoch  wol  in  keinem 
Falle  ein  einheimisches  Gewachs,  sondern  stammt  aus  dem 
Lat.,  wo  die  Construction  eine  ganz  gewonliche  ist.     Die  ver- 
bale  Kraft,  die  das  so  verwendete  lat.  part,  besitzt,  zeigt  sich 
im  AE.  und  Afranz."    And  in  his  chapter  on  English  Syntax 
in  Paul's  Grundriss2,  §  129%  he  thus  speaks  of  the  preterite 
participle  :  "  Zu  erwahnen  ist  hier  die  schon  im  Altenglischen 
bekannte  spater  zunehmende  appositionelle  Verwendung  des- 
selben,  die  vom  Lateinischen  hervorgerufen  und  spater  vom 
Altfranzosischen  vielleicht  auch  vom  Altnordischen  unterstiitzt 
wird."     Einenkel,  then,  holds  that  the  appositive  use  of  both 
the  present  and  the  past  participle  in  Anglo-Saxon  is  due  to 
Latin  influence. 

Before  reading  Einenkel's  treatment  I  had  come  to  the  same 
general  conclusion  myself  on  noticing  how  sedulously  Alfred 
avoided  the  use  of  the  appositive  participle  in  his  translations 
from  the  Latin.  And  in  my  monograph  on  The  Absolute 
Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon  (p.  50),  in  treating  of  the  stylistic 
effect  of  the  participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  I  incidentally  recorded 
this  belief:  "Clearly  relief  was  needed  here  [i.  e.,  from  the 


298  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

heaping  up  of  co-ordinate  finite  verbs]  ;  and  it  came  through 
the  adoption  of  the  appositive  participle  from  the  Latin." 

An  indirect  statement  concerning  the  origin  is  this  by  Th. 
Mii  Her  (p.  250):  "Doch  ist  hinzuzufu\gen,dassdieVerwepdung 
der  Participien  znr  Satzverkiirzung  im  Ags.  eine  zicmlich 
beschrankte  ist,  namentlich  die  Verwendung  des  absolnten 
Particips.  .  .  .  Im  Englischen  hat  die  Anwendung  des  Part, 
znr  Satzverkiirzung  sehr  an  Urufang  gewonnen,  besonders 
durch  Einwirkung  des  Franzosischen  und  Lateinischen  .  .  . 
Im  Ae.  ist  die  Satzverkiirzung  durch  das  Particip.  noch  be- 
schraukt  und  nicht  viel  ausgedehnter,  als  im  Ags."  A.  Erd- 
mann  cautiously  expresses  himself  as  follows  (p.  30) :  "  How- 
ever common  this  use  [i.  e.,  the  apj)ositive]  of  the  participle 
present,  as  shown  in  n:  1:0,  undoubtedly  is,  still  the  general 
run  of  the  language  seems  to  be  opposed  to  the  too  frequent 
recurrence  of  it.  There  are  to  be  found  in  the  Gospels,  in  spite 
of  the  general  closeness  of  the  translation,  numerous  instances 
of  co-ordinate  finite  verbs  or  subordinate  clauses  substituted  for 
Latin-Greek  participles  present.  In  many  of  these  passages 
the  English  translation  readmits  the  participle,  conformably 
to  the  original  text."  Owen  (p.  61)  seems  to  consider  the  con- 
struction native  to  English,  though  somewhat  influenced  by  the 
Latin ;  but,  as  his  statement  is  indefinite,  it  need  not  be  quoted. 

The  statements  of  both  Einenkel  and  myself  were  in  the 
nature  of  the  case  incidental  and  general.  May  not  the  present 
detailed  study  of  the  appositive  participle  in  Anglo-Saxon 
enable  us  to  make  definite  statements  with  reference  to  at  least 
several  of  the  uses  of  the  appositive  participle  in  Anglo-Saxon? 
I  believe  it  will;  and  I  turn,  therefore,  to  the  consideration 
of  the  several  distinctive  uses  of  the  appositive  participle  in 
Anglo-Saxon. 

I.   The  Adjectival  Use. 

The  appositive  use  of  the  present  participle  that  is  equiva- 
lent to  a  dependent  adjectival  (relative)  clause,  seems  to  have 
been  largely  due  to  Latin  influence  and  never  to  have  gained 


THE   APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      299 

a  secure  foothold  in  Anglo-Saxon,  because,  as  my  appended 
tables  show : — (1)  This  use  is  rare  in  Early  West  Saxon.  (2) 
In  most  of  these  Early  West  Saxon  examples,  the  Anglo-Saxon 
participle  is  in  direct  translation  of  a  Latin  appositive  parti- 
ciple. (3)  The  construction  is  rare,  also,  in  the  more  original 
prose  (the  Chronicle,  the  Laics,  and  Wulfstan).  (4)  It  is  very 
rare,  too,  in  the  poetry  ;  and  most  of  these  examples  occur  in 
poems  known  to  be  translations  of  Latin  originals.  (5)  It  is 
common  in  iEIfric,  in  the  Gospels,  and  in  Benet.  Of  the  13 
examples  in  the  Heptateuch  all  but  2  are  translations  from 
the  Latin ;  of  the  44  examples  in  the  Gospels  every  participle 
except  1  ;  and  of  the  32  in  Benet  all  except  2.  Despite  this, 
it  is  possible  that  the  appositive  use  of  a  few  slightly  verbal 
participles  like  blissigende  and  gefeoncle  (see  Bl.  Horn.  5.  8a  &  b, 
p.  186  above),  and  Ubbende  and  licgende  (see  Laws:  Cnut  II, 
c.  24,  Intr.a&b,  p.  181  above)  may  be  the  native  extension  of 
the  attributive  use  of  such  participles  in  postposition,  the 
apposition  arising  from  the  fact  that  we  have  a  series  of 
participles,  some  with  modifiers.  [See  above  pp.  149,  152, 
and  below  on  the  origin  of  the  adjectival  appositive  preterite 
participle] 

Whether  the  foregoing  be  accepted  or  not,  this  much  seems 
certain  :  the  appositive  present  participle  with  a  direct  object 
is  not  native  to  English,  a  topic  the  treatment  of  which  is 
deferred  to  the  close  of  this  chapter  (p.  307). 

On  the  contrary,  the  adjectival  use  of  the  appositive  preterite 
participle  is  probably  native;  or,  if  first  suggested  by  the  Latin, 
was  soon  naturalized.  To  me  this  use  seems  merely  the  exten- 
sion of  the  attributive  use  of  the  preterite  participle  in  post- 
position (see  pp.  149,  152  above)  when  there  was  a  series  of 
participles  modifying  a  single  noun,  or  when  the  participle 
had  an  object  or  a  somewhat  extended  adverbial  modifier;  as 
in  :  jEIJ.  Hept.  (Exod.  12.  19) :  ne  ete  ge  nan  -Sing  onhafenes, 
ne  ii tan  cymene  ne  innan  lande  geborene ;  ib.  29.  23:  Bu 
nymst  .  .  .  anne  holne  hlaf  mid  ele  gesprengedne ;  Beow. 
1126  :  Gewiton  him  Sa  wigend  wica  neosian  freondum  befeal- 


300  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

ten  Frysland  geseon.  This  difference  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
appositive  present  and  of  the  appositive  preterite  participle 
is  not  in  reality  so  strange  as  may  at  first  appear;  for,  as 
already  stated  in  the  Introduction,  the  preterite  participle  is 
much  more  adjectival  in  nature  than  is  the  present  participle; 
and,  as  our  statistics  show,  in  Anglo-Saxon  the  appositive 
use  of  the  participle  (whether  present  or  past,  and  in  what- 
ever function)  is  in  keeping  with  this  general  principle  :  the 
construction  is  most  frequent  when  the  participle  manifests 
most  of  its  descriptive  (adjectival)  and  least  of  its  assertive 
(verbal)  power. 

Whatever  the  explanation,  it  is  a  fact  that  the  adjectival 
use  of  the  preterite  appositive  participle  in  Anglo-Saxon  is  far 
more  common  than  that  of  the  present  participle,  and  it  seems 
thoroughly  naturalized,  if  not  native.  For  our  tables  show 
(1)  that  the  construction  is  common  in  Early  West  Saxon,  in 
the  more  original  prose  works,  and  in  the  poetry,  as  well  as  in 
iElfric,  the  Gospels,  and  Benet ;  and  (2)  that  in  the  transla- 
tions, notably  in  the  Heptateuch,  a  considerable  fraction  of 
the  appositive  preterite  participles  used  adjectivally  are  not 
translations  of  Latin  participles. 

The  same  distinction  between  the  appositive  present  and 
the  appositive  preterite  participle  is  found  in  the  other 
Germanic  languages  (see  chapter  v). 

II.  The  Adverbial  Use. 

1.    Modal. 

(1)    Manner. 

The  appositive  use  of  the  participle  (present  and  past) 
denoting  mauner,  was  probably  native  to  Anglo-Saxon ;  if  not, 
it  was  certainly  early  naturalized.  We  find  this  use  very 
often  in  Early  West  Saxon,  often  in  iElfric  and  the  Gospels, 
anil  occasionally  in  the  more  original  prose  and  in  the  poetry. 
Moreover,  in   the   translations,  the  Anglo-Saxon    participle 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      301 

corresponds  not  only  to  Latin  participles,  but  also  to  Latin 
prepositional  phrases,  to  nouns  in  the  ablative,  to  finite  verbs, 
to  adjectives,  and  to  adverbs;  while  in  not  a  few  cases  there 
is  no  Latin  corresponding  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  participle.  Nor 
is  the  participle  denoting  manner  confined  to  the  poems  known 
.  to  be  translations ;  on  the  contrary,  the  largest  number  of 
examples  in  any  single  poem  is  found  in  Beowulf.  Finally, 
it  may  be  said  that  in  this  use  the  participle  has  but  slight 
verbal  power ;  and  hence  the  fact  that  the  construction  was 
native  to  Anglo-Saxon  (or,  if  this  be  not  allowed,  was  early 
naturalized),  is  what  we  should  expect  after  what  has  been 
said  above  concerning  the  lack  of  verbal  power  in  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  participle. 

(2)    Means. 

The  appositive  use  of  the  participle  denoting  means  was  in 
all  probability  not  native  to  the  English,  but  was  borrowed  from 
the  Latin.  It  is  found  chiefly  in  the  more  direct  translations 
and  in  the  works  of  iElfric,  and  in  the  former  almost  invari- 
ably corresponds  to  a  Latin  participle  or  to  a  Latin  gerund  in 
the  ablative,  in  the  majority  of  cases  to  the  latter.  It  is  prac- 
tically unknown  in  the  more  original  prose  and  in  the  poetry. 
Since  the  verbal  power  is  more  prominent  in  the  participle 
denoting  means  than  in  that  denoting  manner,  we  need  not 
be  surprised  at  the  difference  in  the  origin  (or  the  naturalness) 
of  the  two. 

The  modal  participle  in  both  of  its  uses  has  substantially 
the  same  history  in  the  other  Germanic  languages  (chapter  v). 

2.   Temporal. 

With  the  exception  of  a  few  slightly  verbal  participles  like 
being,  living,  and  sleeping,  the  temporal  use  of  the  appositive 
participle,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  can  hardly  have  been  a, 
native  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon.  When  it  occurs  in  the  prose 
translations,  it  is  with  but  a  few  exceptions  a  direct  transla- 
11 


302  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

tion  of  a  Latin  appositive  participle.  Only  two  examples 
occur  in  the  more  original  prose  (Laws,  1  :  Ine  C.  35 :  Se  <5e 
Seof  slitrS,  he  mot  aiSe  gecySan,  Sset  he  hine  fleondne  for 
•Seof  sloge;  and  Wulfstan,  1  :  295.  14:  hi  scu  1  on  fieonde  on 
gefeoiite  beon  ofslagene).  As  to  the  poetry,  most  of  the 
examples  occur  in  the  poems  that  rest  upon  Latin  originals. 
14  examples,  however,  occur  in  Beowulf,  nine  in  the  present 
and  five  in  the  preterite  (lifigende:  815  and  1953 ;  unlifgendum : 
1389;  slcepende:  1581  and  2219;  wesende  (usually  in  composi- 
tion with  cniht  and  umbor):  46,  372,  535,  1187  ;  druncen  (in 
beore  and  wine  druncen):  480,  531,  1467  ;  forftgewitenum : 
1479,  which  may  be  adjectival  ;  and  fylle  gej\r)cegnod  .- 
1333).  But  after  all  only  five  different  words  are  involved  ; 
these  are  often  used  adjectivally,  and  the  temporal  use  here 
may  be  partly  due  to  that  fact.*  At  any  rate,  the  temporal 
use  of  the  appositive  participle  can  hardly  be  considered 
organic  in  a  work  showing  only  five  words  so  used.  More- 
over, in  Anglo-Saxon,  time  relations  are  normally  denoted 
by  a  finite  verb  introduced  by  a  subordinating  conjunction, 
as  is  evidenced  by  its  habitual  rendering  of  the  Latin  tempo- 
ral participle  (see  chapter  iv). 

In  the  other  Germanic  languages,  also,  the  temporal  use  is 
restricted  to  participles  of  slightly  verbal  power,  like  being, 
living,  sleeping  (chapter  v). 

3.    Causal. 

The  use  of  the  appositive  participle  to  denote  cause  seems, 
in  the  main,  to  be  an  imitation  of  the  Latin.  Few  examples 
occur  in  Early  West  Saxon ;  and  the  majority  of  these  as  of 
those  in  other  translations  correspond  to  Latin  participles, 
though  a  few  answer  to  substantives  in  the  ablative  or  to 
adverbs.     The  construction  is  exceedingly  rare  in  the  more 

*  Einenkel  {Miltekngl.  Syntax,  p.  279)  derives  the  temporal  use  of  the 
preterite  appositive  participle  from  the  adjectival  (relative)  use  of  the 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       303 

original  prose,  there  being  but  two  examples  in  the  Chronicle 
(1087  E  :  geseonde,  which  has  an  object  and  is  therefore  to  be 
excluded  from  consideration  ;  449  A  :  Hengest  "j  Horsa  from 
Wyrtgeorne  geleaftode,  Bretta  kyninge,  gesohton  Bretene  (MS. 
E  :  gelaftode  Wyrtgeorn  Angelcin  hider ;  MS.  F  :  com  Angel- 
cynn  to  Sisum  lande,  gelaftode  from  Wyrtgeorne  cinge) )  and 
two  in  Wulfstan  (133.  5a&b:  sculon  eowre  heortan  eargjan 
swibe  and  eowra  feonda  insegen  strangjan  dearie,  and  ge 
tofesede  swifte  afirhte  oft  litel  werod  earhlice  forbugaft  = 
131.  23  :  et  animam  uestram  tabescentem  faciam,  et  perse- 
quentur  uos  inimici  uestri,  et  fugietis  nullo  persequente). 
In  the  poetry,  but  five  examples  occur  with  the  present  parti- 
ciple; two  have  an  object  (Andreas  1,  and  Gu'Slac  1)  and  are 
therefore  not  to  be  considered ;  while  three  occur  in  poems 
based  on  Latin  originals  (Genesis  2,  Exodus  1).  In  all  proba- 
bility, then,  the  causal  use  of  the  present  appositive  participle 
is  not  native  to  Anglo-Saxon  poetry.  As  to  the  past  parti- 
ciple, as  I  have  already  said  in  a  preceding  chapter,  many  of 
the  examples  are  doubtful  and  may  be  considered  adjectival 
(relative).  K.  Kohler,  for  example,  does  not  consider  as  causal 
any  one  of  the  nine  examples  that  I  have  classed  as  such  in 
Beowulf.  Most  of  the  other  causal  preterite  participles  in 
Anglo-Saxon  poetry  are  in  poems  based  on  Latin  originals ; 
those  in  the  prose  have  been  discussed  in  the  beginning  of 
this  paragraph. 

It  seems  highly  probable,  therefore,  that  the  causal  use  of 
the  present  participle  in  both  prose  and  poetry  is  due  to 
Latin  influence ;  it  seems  probable  that  the  causal  use  of  the 
preterite  participle  is  largely  due  to  Latin  influence,  but  that 
it  is  partly  an  extension  of  the  adjectival  use  of  the  preterite 
participle,  which  latter  has  been  shown  to  be  so  common  in 
Anglo-Saxon.  As  is  shown  in  chapter  iv,  the  Latin  causal 
participle  is  in  Anglo-Saxon  normally  translated  by  a  sub- 
ordinated finite  verb. 

For  the  other  Germanic  languages,  see  chapter  v. 


304  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

4.    Final. 

The  appositive  participle  denoting  purpose  is  mainly  from 
the  Latin.  But  three  examples  occur  in  Early  West  Saxon, 
two  corresponding  to  Latin  participles  and  one  to  a  Latin 
infinitive  of  purpose.  No  example  has  been  found  in  the 
more  original  prose.  The  instances  in  the  Gospels  and  in 
Bend  correspond  invariably  to  a  Latin  participle.  The 
single  example  in  the  poetry  (already  quoted :  Dan.  355 :  neri- 
gende)  is  from  a  poem  based  on  the  Latin.  A  still  further 
reason  for  considering  the  final  use  unoriginal  is  this  :  35  of 
the  39  present  participles  have  an  object  (see  p.  307  below). 
But,  as  the  statistics  show  that  the  final  participle  in  Old 
English  occurs,  as  in  Latin  (Gildersleeve,  Latin  Grammar, 
§  670,  3),  chiefly  after  verbs  of  motion,  it  may  well  be  that  the 
very  frequent  predicative  use  of  the  participle  in  Anglo-Saxon 
after  verbs  of  motion  contributed  somewhat  to  its  appositive 
use  to  denote  purpose. 

See,  further,  chapters  iv  and  v. 

5.    Concessive. 

The  concessive  use  of  the  appositive  participle  is  likewise  to 
be  ascribed  to  Latin  influence.  Of  the  three  examples  found 
in  Early  West  Saxon,  two  are  direct  translations  of  Latin  parti- 
ciples; while  the  third  (ungeniedde  in  Oros.  250.  14),  though 
without  a  Latin  correspondence  in  this  particular  instance, 
answers  to  (non)eoacti,  which  occurs  elsewhere  in  Alfred's 
Latin  originals  (as  in  Bede2  29.  12:  co-adi  =  8.  5:  genedde). 
No  instance  of  the  concessive  participle  has  been  found  in  the 
more  original  prose.  Each  example  in  the  Gospels  is  in  trans- 
lation of  a  Latin  participle.  Of  the  eight  examples  in  the 
poems,  that  in  Beowulf  (2350 :  nearo  neftende)  is  considered 
modal  by  K.  Kohler  ;  the  other  seven  occur  in  poems  known  to 
be  from  Latin  originals  (one  each  in  Elene,  Genesis,  Guftlac, 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       305 

Juliana,  Metres  of  Boethius ;  and  two  in  the  Phcenix).     More- 
over, the  Boethius  example  translates  a  Latin  participle. 
Compare  chapters  iv  and  v. 

6.    Conditional. 

The  appositive  participle  denoting  a  condition  is  probably 
due  to  Latin  influence.  Four  examples  occur  in  Early  West 
Saxon,  of  which  one  corresponds  to  a  Latin  appositive  parti- 
ciple (Bede  278.  18a),  one  to  a  Latin  absolute  participle  (Boeth. 
91.  8),  while  two  have  no  correspondents  in  Latin  (Boeth.  30. 
25,  26).  Of  the  two  examples  in  Benedict,  one  answers  to  a 
Latin  participle,  and  one  is  without  a  correspondent.  The 
two  examples  in  the  Gospels  are  translations  of  Latin  parti- 
ciples, as  are  also  the  four  in  Benet.  Only  one  example  occurs  in 
the  remainder  of  Anglo-Saxon  prose.  Of  the  sixteen  examples 
in  the  poetry,  two  are  in  Beowulf  (1368  :  geswenced  ;  1370: 
gefiymed),  one  in  Eadgar  (1 1  A :  geteled  rimes)  three  in  Genesis 
(geteled  rime(s)  in  1263,  1336,  and  in  2344),  two  in  Exodus 
232  :  geteled  tireadigra,  372  :  geteled  rime),  three  in  Andreas 
(309  (?)  :  maSmum  bedceled,  883  :  twelfe  gelealde,  1035  :  ge- 
teled rime),  two  in  Elene  (2  :  geteled  rimes,  634  :  geteled  rime), 
two  in  the  Riddles  (24.  15:  unbunden,  24.  16:  searosa'led), 
and  one  in  the  Metrical  Psalms  (67 .  17:  geteled  rime).*  In 
ten  of  these  examples,  however,  the  same  word  (geteled  nine 
times,  getealde  once)  is  used  ;  and,  besides,  the  participle  is 
not  unmistakably  conditional.  From  its  frequent  occurrence 
in  Anglo-Saxon  and  its  occasional  employment  in  Old  Saxon 
(Heliand  1251  :  twelivi  gitcdda),  this  seems  to  have  been  a 
favorite  locution  ;  but  its  use  appears  to  have  been  phraseo- 

*The  translation  of  this  phrase  by  Grimm  (computati  numero,  note  to 
Elene  1035  in  his  Andreas  u.  Elene),  by  Grein  [geziilt  der  Zed  naeh,  in  his 
Glossary  sub  v.  rim),  and  by  Kent  (the  number  told,  note  to  Elene  2)  is,  like 
the  original,  ambiguous,  except  that  Kent  does  say  that  the  participial 
phrase  is  used  adverbially.  Pratje  (#  158)  considers  the  O.  S.  gitulda  to  be 
attributive. 


306  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

logical  rather  than  syntactical.  The  Beowulf  examples,  also, 
are  doubtful.  We  know,  too,  that  in  Anglo-Saxon  a  condi- 
tion is  regularly  denoted  by  a  subordinated  finite  verb.  I 
believe,  therefore,  that  the  use  of  the  appositive  participle  to 
denote  a  condition  is  not  a  native  English  idiom,  but  was 
perhaps  borrowed  from  the  Latin. 
See,  too,  chapters  iv  and  v. 

III.   The  Co-ordinate  Use. 

The  co-ordinate  participle,  in  both  its  "  circumstantial  "  and 
its  "iterating"  uses,  is  a  direct  importation  from  the  Latin. 
No  clear  example  of  the  co-ordinate  participle  occurs  in  Greg- 
ory, and  only  sixteen  examples  in  the  remainder  of  Alfred's 
works,  each  time  in  direct  translation  of  a  Latin  participle. 
Three  examples  occur  in  the  Chronicle  and  five  in  Wulfstan, 
all  present  participles  with  an  object,  and  all  due  to  Latin 
influence  (see  p.  307  below).  No  example  is  found  in  the  Laws. 
With  about  a  dozen  exceptions  all  the  examples  in  Bene- 
dict, in  the  Gospels,  and  in  Benet  are  translations  of  Latin 
participles.  In  the  Prose  Psalms,  however,  only  one  of  the 
sixteen  co-ordinate  participles  answers  to  a  Latin  participle; 
but  thirteen  are  present  participles  with  an  object,  and,  there- 
fore, cannot  be  native  English  (p.  307). 

In  the  poems,  only  nineteen  examples  occur:  one  in  Beowulf 
(916  :  flitende),  one  in  Andreas  (59  :  wepende),  four  in  Christ 
(387  :  bremende,  992  :  wanende,  950 :  brecende,  1016 :  sorgende), 
two  in  Guthlac  (401 :  mumende,  879  :  wedende),  one  in  Juliana 
(662  :  ivwccende),  one  in  Spirit  of  Men  (82  :  hycgende),  one  in 
the  Harrowing  of  Hell  (91 :  mumende),  three  in  the  Metres  of 
Boethius  (20.  212:  smeagende,  20.  214,  221 :  secende),  and  five 
in  the  Metrical  Psalms  (50.  56  :  cerrende,  104.  10:  cweftende 
=  dicens,  105.  4:  hycgende,  138.  17  :  cweftende  =  dicitis,  146. 
10:  hropende  =  invocantibus).  With  the  exception  of  Beoiv. 
916  (which  may  not  be  co-ordinate)  and  of  Spirit  of  Men  82 
(of  which  I  do  not  know  the  source),  all  the  examples  are  from 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      307 

poems  known  to  be  based  on  Latin  originals.  Two  of  the 
examples  are  in  direct  translation  of  Latin  participles  (Metr. 
Ps.  104.  10:  cweftende  =  dicens ;  146.  10:  hropende  =  invo- 
cantibus),  to  which  may  confidently  be  added  a  third  {Metr. 
Ps.  138. 17  :  ciceftende),  though  here  answering  to  a  finite  verb, 
dicitis.  Finally,  the  majority  of  the  remaining  examples  (like 
brecende,  mumende,  sorgende,  ivceccende,  wanende,  tvedende,  and 
ivepende)  really  waver  between  the  co-ordinate  use  on  the  one 
hand  and  the  adjectival  and  the  modal  on  the  other ;  indeed, 
brecende,  mumende,  sorgende,  and  wanende  are  expressly  de- 
clared to  be  attributive  by  Hertel  and  by  Furkert,  and  I  have 
put  them  here  despite  their  extreme  doubtfulness  merely  to 
avoid  the  appearance  of  bending  statistics  to  conformity  with 
a  theory.  The  few  clear  cases  that  remain  of  the  co-ordinate 
use  (like  cerrende,  hycgende,  secende,  and  smeagende)  may,  I 
think,  safely  be  attributed  to  Latin  influence.  The  Latin 
co-ordinate  participle  is  in  Anglo-Saxon  usually  rendered  by 
a  co-ordinate  finite  verb  (chapter  iv). 

The  co-ordinate  participle  is  likewise  uncommon  in  the 
other  Germanic  languages  (chapter  v). 

The  Governing  Power  of  the  Participle. 
1.    The  Present  Participle. 

I  conclude  with  a  remark  that  applies  equally  to  each  of 
the  three  uses  of  the  appositive  participle  :  the  present  apposi- 
tive  participle  with  a  direct  object,  no  matter  whether  its  use 
is  adjectival,  adverbial,  or  co-ordinate,  is  always  in  imitation 
of  the  Latin.  For  the  Anglo-Saxon  present  participle,  when 
used  appositively,  seems  originally  not  to  have  had  the  power 
of  governing  a  direct  object  in  construction, — a  fact  not 
noticed  hitherto  so  far  as  I  am  aware.  This  statement  is 
substantiated,  I  believe,  by  the  following  considerations : — 

1.  Very  few  examples  of  a  present  participle  having  an 
object  occur  in  Early  West  Saxon.     Only  eighteen  examples 


308  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

have  been  found  in  the  works  of  iElfred,  distributed  as  fol- 
lows :  Bede  14,  Gregory  2,  Orosius  2. 

2.  With  two  exceptions  each  of  these  eighteen  examples 
in  Early  West  Saxon  is  a  translation  of  a  Latin  appositive 
participle  with  a  direct  object.  In  one  of  the  exceptional  cases 
(Greg.1  171.  13:  Icerende  (MS.  C. :  beo¥>  kerende)  =  126a: 
praedicando)  the  Anglo-Saxon  participle  translates  a  Latin 
gerund  in  the  ablative ;  in  the  other  (Oros.1  52.  27)  the  accu- 
sative seems  to  belong  to  the  finite  verb  as  well  as  to  the 
participle  (see  Statistics). 

3.  In  hundreds  of  instances  the  Early  West  Saxon  trans- 
lators (iElfred  and  his  helpers)  clearly  avoided  turning  the 
Latin  participle  with  an  object  by  an  Anglo-Saxon  participle 
with  an  object  (see  chapter  iv). 

4.  An  object  is  exceedingly  rare  in  the  more  original  prose 
works,  there  being  but  four  examples  in  the  Chronicles,  one 
in  the  Laws,  and  six  in  Wulfstan  ;  in  all  eleven  instances. 

5.  In  every  one  of  these  eleven  examples  the  participle 
can  bo  traced  directly  or  indirectly  to  a  Latin  source.  In 
the  Chronicle,  biddende  (1083  E),  cweftende,  which  occurs 
twice  (656  E,  675  E,  both  already  quoted  above),  and  geseonde 
(1087  E),  may  be  due  to  the  Latin  i^eteyxs,  dicens,  and  videns, 
which  latter  occur  so  often  in  the  Vulgate  Neic  Testament, 
in  Gregory's  Cara  Pastoralis,  in  Bede's  Historia  Ecclesiastica, 
and  in  other  books  that  we  may  assume  to  have  been  in  the 
hands  of  the  compiler  of  MS.  E.,  especially  as  this  MS.  is  itself 
occasionally  interlarded  with  Latin.  Or,  since  it  was  written 
about  1121  (Plummer,  n,  §  26),  the  editor  of  E.  could  have 
borrowed  these  participles  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  Gospels  or 
from  the  works  of  iElfric,  in  both  of  which  they  abound.  The 
single  example  in  the  Laws  (Wihtr.  C.  18  :  Preost  hine  claensie 
sylfses  soft,  in  his  halgum  hrsegle  astforan  wiofode,  Sus  cwe- 
hm'lc:  "Ueritatem  dico  in  Christo,  non  mentior")  may  con- 
fidently be  ascribed  to  Latin  influence,  not  only  that  it  is 
rtr(  ftende,  but  that  the  participle  is  immediately  followed  by 
a  quotation  in  Latin.     As  to  Wulfstan,  four  of  the  examples 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      309 

are  cweZende  (105.  30,  199.  15,  201.  8,  246.  11),  which  here 
as  elsewhere  is  to  be  ascribed  to  Latin  influence,  dicens 
(dicentes)  occurs  five  times  in  Wulfstan,  though  not  in  the 
above  examples ;  twice  it  is  translated  by  a  co-ordinated 
finite  (60.  14,  87.  15)  and  once  by  a  subordinated  finite  verb 
(87.  18),  and  twice  it  is  not  translated  at  all  (31.  32,  77. 
3).  Moreover,  in  two  instances  (201.  8,  246.  11)  cweftende 
immediately  precedes  a  quotation  in  Latin.  The  other  two 
examples  in  Wulfstan  (244.  7b :  gemende,  278.  9  :  ftanejende: 
see  Statistics)  sound  like  translations  from  the  ritual.  Be 
this  as  it  may,  the  participle  may  unhesitatingly  be  ascribed 
to  Latin  influence;  for  in  Wulfstan  there  are  interlarded  with 
the  Anglo-Saxon  fourteen  Latin  present  participles  with  an 
object. 

6.  Very  few  objects  are  found  with  the  present  participle 
in  the  poetry,  only  twenty-three  in  all,  distributed  as  follows  : 
Beovulf  four  (1227  :  dream  healdende;  2106  :  fela  fricgende 
(but  K.  Kohler  considers  fela  an  adverb);  2350:  nearo  neftende; 
1829  :  "Sec  hettende,  which  may  be  substantival,  as  K.  Kohler 
construes  it),  Cynewulf's  Christ  one  (1271  :  wrcec  winnende, 
Grein1  and  Gollancz1*2:  wraxwinnende),  Andreas  three  (570 
dom  agende,  491  :  mere  hrerendum,  mundum  freorig,  300 
wine  ftearfende),  Elene  two  (1096:  god  hergendra,  1220 
god  hergendum),  Doomsday  one  (112  :  dea^S  beaenigende  tacen 
=  signa  minantia  mortem),  Judith  one  (272 :  mid  tofton 
torn  ^Soligende :  cf.  Ps.  111.  9:  torn  tc3um  Solian  = 
dentibus  fremere),  Daniel  two  (355  :  feorh  nerigende,  396  : 
lean  sellende),  Guthlac  one  (1029:  torn  ftoliende:  cf.  Judith 
272),  Juliana  one  (6:  god  hergendra:  cf.  Elene  1096,  1220), 
Spirit  of  Jlen  one  (82  :  hycgende  hselo  raedes),  Wonders  of 
Creation  two  (14:  fricgende  fira  cynnes,  15:  secgende  searo- 
runa  gespon),  Metrical  Psalms  four  (104.  10  :  eweSende  = 
dicens;  138.  17:  cwe&ende  =  dieitis ;  105.  17:  hse-Senstyrces 
hig  etendes  =  in  similitudinem  comedentis  fcenum  ;  105.  4  : 
gemune  us,  drihten,  on  modsefan  forS  hycgende  folces  -Sines 
=  memento  nostri,  Domine,  in   beneplacito  populi  tui).     Of 


310  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

these  twenty-three  participles,  three  (Doomsday  112,  Metr.  Ps. 
104.  10  and  105.  17)  are  direct  translations  of  corresponding 
Latin  participles  with  an  object ;  and  to  this  class  we  may  add 
a  fourth  (Metr.  Ps.  138.  17),  for  the  cweftende  here,  though 
corresponding  to  dicitis,  must  be  due  to  dicens,  which  occurs 
not  infrequently  in  the  Latin  Psalms.  But  what  about  the 
remaining  nineteen  examples?  In  the  first  place  it  is  to  be 
noticed  that,  except  in  four  instances  (Spirit  of  Men  82,  Won- 
ders of  Creation  14  and  15,  and  Metr.  Ps.  105.  4),  the  object 
immediately  precedes  its  participle;  that,  though  they  are  not 
so  printed  in  Grein-Wiilker,  possibly  we  have  accusative  com- 
pounds (except  in  Beow.  1829),  which  compounds  are  in  the 
main  descriptive  epithets,  as  are  the  hyphenated  accusative 
compounds.  And  an  object  in  an  accusative  compound  seems 
to  me  to  stand  on  an  entirely  different  footing  from  an  object  in 
construction  (cf.  Strong,  Logeman,  Wheeler,  p.  334,  and  Storch, 
p.  25).  The  accusative  compound  is  often  made  because  the 
Anglo-Saxon  had  no  single  word  for  the  idea  to  be  expressed, 
as  when  the  translator  of  the  Psalms  (81.  2)  turns  the  Latin 
peccator  by  syn-wyrcende,  etc.  Oftener,  perhaps,  the  compound 
is  made  for  the  sake  of  its  picturesqueness;  hence  it  is  more 
frequent  in  poetry  than  in  prose.  That  the  participles  which 
govern  an  object  in  composition  do  stand  by  themselves  and 
that  their  governing  an  object  in  composition  does  not  neces- 
sarily imply  an  antecedent  power  of  governing  an  object  in 
construction  is  attested,  I  think,  by  the  fact  that  only  one 
or  two  of  the  participles  with  an  object  in  composition  are 
found,  also,  with  an  object  in  construction.  This  principle 
by  itself  might  account  for  most  of  the  participles  under 
consideration.  But  we  see,  further,  that  of  these  parti- 
ciples eleven  occur  in  works  known  to  be  translations  from 
the  Greek  or  the  Latin  (Andreas  3,  Christ  1,  Elene  2, 
Judith  1,  Daniel  2,  Guthlac  1,  Juliana  1),  and  the  participles 
here  may  be  due  in  part  to  the  influence  of  the  participles  in 
the  originals,  even  if  at  times,  as  in  the  two  examples  from 
the  Elene,  the  Anglo-Saxon    participles   correspond,   not   to 


THE    APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       311 

Latin  participles,  but  to  Latin  finite  verbs.  It  will  be  ob- 
served, also,  that  in  these  eleven  examples  there  are  only  eight 
different  participles,  the  participle  of  hergian  occurring  three 
times  and  that  of  ftolian  twice.  As  to  the  four  participles 
with  objects  following  in  construction,  I  think  that  they 
must  be  ascribed  to  foreign  influence,  though  I  cannot  defi- 
nitely trace  that  influence  in  three  of  the  examples,  as  I  do 
not  know  the  sources  of  the  Spirit  of  Men  and  the  Wonders 
of  Creation.  Hycgende  of  Metr.  Ps.  105.  4  may  safely  be 
ascribed  to  the  influence  of  the  Latin  participles  of  the 
Psalter,  though  none  is  found  in  the  particular  verse  corre- 
sponding to  this  line. 

7.  An  object  is  likewise  rare  in  the  other  Germanic 
languages,  especially  in  High  German  and  in  Old  Saxon, 
as  will  be  shown  in  chapter  v. 

8.  The  only  fact  known  to  me  that  seems  to  militate 
against  the  assumption  that  the  present  participle  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  had  not,  originally,  the  power  of  governing  an 
object,  is  this  :  in  the  Prose  Psalms  there  are  thirteen 
examples  of  the  present  participle  with  an  object,  no  one 
of  which  is  known  to  have  a  Latin  appositive  participle 
as  its  original  correspondent.  All  of  these  participles  occur 
in  the  Introductions  to  the  Psalms.  And,  in  his  very  able 
discussion  of  the  Paris  Psalter  (p.  64  ff.),  Bruce  has  shown 
that  these  Introductions  are  paraphrases  of  Latin  originals, 
principally  of  the  argumenta  in  the  commentary  In  Psalmorum 
Libmm  Exegesis.  In  the  originals  as  given  by  Bruce  I 
find  but  two  correspondences  to  our  participles :  in  Psalms 
34  siofigende  corresponds  to  a  substantive  in  the  ablative 
with  a  genitive  modifier  (Dauid  sang  -Sysne  feower  and 
■Srittigoftan  sealm,  siofigende  to  Drihtne  his  yrrnfta  =  occa- 
sione  cerumnarum  suarum  David  hunc  psalraum  in  tempore 
Jeremise  componit,  etc.),  and  in  Ps.  38  to  an  ablative  absolute 
(Dauid  sang  ftysne  eahta  and  3rittigo$an  sealm,  seofigende 
to  Drihtne,  mid  hu  manegum  unrotnessum  he  wres  ofSryceed 
under    Sawle  =  Angentibus    sub     Saule    mceroribus,    hunc 


312  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

psalmum  cecinit  etc.);  while  in  the  remaining  eleven 
examples  (37  :  anddtende,  28  :  bebeodende,  33  :  gehatende,  39  : 
gylpende  (w.  gen.),  32  :  herigende,  47  :  mydiende,  37  :  seofi- 
gende:  43:  seofgende,  32:  ftanciende,  45:  ftanciende,  31: 
ivundriende  (w.  gen.))  there  is  no  Latin  correspondence.  It 
will  be  observed,  however,  that,  since  one  word  is  repeated 
four  times  (seofigende)  and  another  twice  (ftanciende),  only 
seven  words  are  involved ;  that,  although  there  are  no 
participles  in  the  Latin  corresponding  to  the  Anglo-Saxon 
participles,  participles  are  abundant  in  the  Latin  originals ; 
that,  as  Bruce  shows,  the  Prose  Psalms  are  the  work  of 
an  ecclesiastic ;  and  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  participles  are 
those  the  Latin  correspondents  of  which  must  have  been 
often  before  the  eyes  and  upon  the  lips  of  an  ecclesiastic 
(such  as  confitens,  postulans,  benedicens,  etc.).  While,  then, 
in  the  Prose  Psalms  the  number  of  present  participles  with 
an  object  for  which  no  immediate  Latin  source  has  been 
found,  does  seem  to  militate  against  the  statement  that 
originally  in  Anglo-Saxon  the  present  participle  had  not 
the  power  of  governing  an  object,  in  reality  it  does  not : 
the  author  was  an  ecclesiastic  and  naturally  molded  his 
English  translation  on  the  pattern  of  what  was  at  once 
his  official   language  and   his  literary  source. 

9.  In  Late  West  Saxon,  to  be  sure,  especially  in  iElfric 
and  in  the  Gospels,  there  are  numerous  present  participles 
with  direct  objects;  but  this  fact  does  not  invalidate  the  con- 
tention that  in  Anglo-Saxon  the  present  participle  had  not 
the  governing  power  originally.  It  will  be  observed,  further, 
that  in  the  Late  West  Saxon  translations  the  participles  with 
objects  usually  correspond  to  Latin  participles  with  objects 
(25  times  out  of  36  in  the  Heptateuch,  117  times  out  of  122 
in  the  Gospel*,  and  62  times  out  of  63  in  Benet) ;  and  that  in 
scores  of  instances  the  Latin  participle  is  translated  into 
Anglo-Saxon  by  a  finite  verb.  The  frequency  of  the  parti- 
ciple  with  an  object  in  iElfric's  Homilies  and  in  his  IAves  of 
s<ii,,t.-<  is  due,  of  course,  to  the  fact  that,  as  he  tells  us,  these 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN    ANGLO-SAXON.      313 

works  are  translations  from  the  Latin.  The  rareness  of  the 
present  participle  with  an  object  in  the  poems  and  in  the  more 
original  prose,  especially  in  the  late  Wulfstan,  would  seem  to 
indicate  that,  despite  its  great  frequency  in  JElfric  and  in  the 
Gospels,  this  construction  was  never  thoroughly  naturalized 
in  Anglo-Saxon. 

10.  Whenever  it  does  govern  an  object,  the  present  parti- 
ciple, as  our  examples  show,  has  the  same  regimen  as  the 
verb  from  which  it  is  derived.  We  find  as  object  occasionally 
the  genitive  (Gregory1  99.  4:  wilnigende;  Metr.  Ps.  105.  4: 
hycgende;  etc.,  etc.)  and  the  dative  (Bede1  426.  30:  biosmri- 
endes;  JElf.  Horn.  II.  128b:  fteoivigende  ;  etc.,  etc.),  but 
usually  the  accusative  (see  Statistics). — In  the  preceding  dis- 
cussion as  to  the  origin  of  the  present  participle  with  a 
direct  object  I  have  included  not  only  the  accusative,  but  all 
the  cases  that  from  the  modern  English  standpoint  appear  to 
be  direct  objects  and,  in  the  Early  West  Saxon  texts  and  in 
the  poems,  all  participles  with  objects,  whether  direct  or  not. 

2.    The  Preterite  Participle. 

1.  With  reference  to  the  preterite  participle,  the  word 
object,  as  stated  in  the  prefatory  note  to  the  Statistics,  is  used 
to  include  not  only  the  object  in  the  ordinary  sense,  but  also 
any  noun  modifier  of  the  participle.  We  find  with  the  pre- 
terite participle  the  object  in  the  genitive  (/Elf-  L.  S.  xxiii. 
B.  442:  selces  fylstes  bedceled;  Beoio.  845:  nifta  ofercumen; 
Gen.  2344  :  geteled  rimes ;  etc.,  etc.),  the  dative  (JElf.  Horn. 
I.  544b  3:  deorum  geferlcehte ;  ib.  II.  31 4b:  beboda  mannum 
gesette;  Bede1 172.  26  :  Disse  faamnan  Gode  gehcdgodre  weorc; 
etc.,  etc.),  and  the  instrumental  (Bede1  214.  11  :  onlysed  "Sy 
lichoman  ;  ib.  344.  28:  "Sy  betstan  leo^e  geglenged ;  etc., 
etc.).  This  use  of  the  preterite  participle  occurs  both  in 
the  prose  and  in  the  poetry,  but  much  more  frequently  in  the 
latter.  The  construction  seems  to  be  thoroughly  natural  in 
Anglo-Saxon. 


314  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

2.  In  the  whole  of  Anglo-Saxon  literature,  however,  I 
have  found  but  one  instance  of  an  appositive  preterite  parti- 
ciple governing  an  accusative  of  the  direct  object,  namely, 
Luke  9.  55  (MSS.  B.  &  C.) :  hine  beiuend,  he  hig  Sreade  = 
conversus  increpavit  illos.  The  remaining  three  mss.  and  the 
corresponding  Glosses  here  use  a  finite  verb  (see  p.  225)  ;  and 
Professor  Bright  in  his  footnote  to  the  above  passage  con- 
siders bewmd  a  slavish  translation  of  the  Latin  participle. 
It  is  scarcely  possible  to  consider  as  original  a  construction 
of  which  but  one  example  is  found  in  our  texts.  I  believe, 
therefore,  that  in  Anglo-Saxon  the  past  participle,  when  used 
appositively,  did  not  have  the  power  of  governing  a  direct 
object. 

I  append  tables  showing  the  Latin  correspondences  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  appositive  participles,  in  their  several  uses,  in 
the  more  definite  Ansrlo-Saxon  translations  from  the  Latin. 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON. 


315 


BEDE 


A.-S.  Ptc.  wiTHorT  Object. 

LATIN    EQUIVALENT. 


A.-S.  Ptc. 

with  Object. 

latin  equivalent. 


Use. 


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316 


MORGAN    CALLAWAY,   JR. 


GREGORY 

A.-S.  Ptc.  without  Object. 

LATIN  EQUIVALENT. 


A.-S.  Ptc. 
with  Object. 

LATIN  EQUIVALENT. 


Use. 


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1  is  in  the  dative. 


rhese  are  in  the  genitive. 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IX    AXGLO-SA  X<  IX, 


317 


METRICAL    PSALMS 

A.-S.  Ptc.  without  Object. 

LATIN  EQUIVALENT. 


A.-S.  Ptc. 
with  Object. 

LATIN   EQUIVALENT. 


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318 


MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    JR. 


H  EPTATEUCH. 
A.-S.  Ptc.  without  Object. 

LATIN   EQUIVALENT. 


A.-S.  Ptc. 
with  Object. 

LATIN  EQUIVALENT. 


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THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN    ANGLO-SAXON. 


319 


METRES    OF    BOETHIUS. 

A.-S.  Ptc.  without  Object. 

LATIN   EQUIVALENT. 


A.-S.  Ptc. 
with  Object. 

LATIN  EQUIVALENT. 


Use. 


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320 


MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    JR. 


PROSE    PSALMS.1 

A.-S.  Ptc.  with  Object. 

LATIN  EQUIVALENT. 


A.-S.  Ptc.  with- 
out Object. 

LATIN   EQUIVALENT. 


USE. 


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THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN  ANGLO-SAXON.      321 


CHAPTER   IV. 

THE  ANGLO-SAXON   RENDERING   OF   THE 
LATIN   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE. 

When  not  turned  by  an  appositive  participle,  the  Latin 
appositive  participle  is  translated  into  Anglo-Saxon  as 
follows  : — 

I.   Normally  by  a  Co-ordinated  Finite  Verb. 

Most  frecpiiently  the  Latin  appositive  participle  is  rendered 
in  Anglo-Saxon  by  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  though  the 
texts  vary  widely,  as  is  evident  from  the  table  in  the 
footnote.1  That  the  co-ordinated  finite  verb  is  the  most 
frequent  rendering  of  the  Latin  appositive  participle,  while 
the  subordinated  finite  verb  is  the  commonest  translation 
of  the  Latin  absolute  participle  (see  The  Abs.  Ptc.  in  A.S., 
p.  36),  is  doubtless  due  to  the  fact  that  not  a  few  of  the 
Latin  appositive  participles  have  what  we  have  denominated 
the  "  co-ordinate  "  use ;  and  this  rendition  is,  therefore,  more 
appropriate  for  the  appositive  than  for  the  absolute  participle. 

xThe   proportion   of   co-ordinated   to   subordinated   finite   verbs    is   as 
follows : — 


Bede1 

=  2.14:1. 

Benedict1 

=  1:1.97. 

Benet1 

=  1:2. 

Genesis1 

=  5.36:1. 

Gregory1 

=  1 : 1  .  56. 

Matthew1 

=  3:1. 

Poetical  Psalms 

=  1:1.88. 

Prose  Psalms     =  1:1.  27. 

Tbe  ratio  of  the  total  co-ordinated  to  the  total  subordinated  finite  verbs 
in  these  works  is  1 .  35 : 1. 


322  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

But  it  must  be  allowed  that  no  principle  has  been  consistently 
followed  throughout  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  translators  ;  and 
that  not  infrequently  this  rendition  ignores  shades  of  mean- 
ing in  the  original,  and  at  times  does  positive  violence  to 
the  sense.  Undoubtedly,  however,  the  modification  of  the 
sense  of  the  original  is  often  deliberately  made  by  the 
translator  because  of  his  different  conception  of  the  relative 
importance  of  the  ideas  denoted  by  the  Latin  verb  and  the 
Latin  participle. 

The  co-ordinated  verb  is  usually  in  the  indicative,  though 
occasionally  in  the  optative  or  the  imperative.  As  a  rule, 
the  co-ordinated  verb  occurs  in  the  same  sentence  as  the 
verb  with  which  it  is  co-ordinated,  but  occasionally  it  stands 
in  an  independent  sentence.  The  clauses  are  generally  united 
by  a  conjunction,  but  sometimes  there  is  no  connective. 

A  few  examples  will  suffice  to  illustrate  the  range  of  the 
construction  : — 

(1)  Co-ordinated  Indicative:  (a)  With  a  verb  in  the  same 
sentence  :  Bede2  21.  9  :  relinquens  reuersus  est  =  40.  1  : 
woss  forlcetende  y  hwearf ;  Greg.2  62.  7  :  Hinc  per  Isaiam 
Dominus  admonet,  dieens  =91.  19 :  forSam  myndgode 
Dryhten  fturh  Essaiam  $one  witgan  j  cuse'S  ;  Mat.  12.  25  : 
sciens  dixit  =  wide  y  ewarS  ;  Gen.2  22.  3  :  Abraham  consur- 
gena  stravit  etc.  =  A.  aras  .  .  .and  ferde. — Other  examples  : 
Bede2  98.  34  (122.  9),  100.  13  (124.  21);  Greg.2  24.  2  (45. 
13),  76.  18,  21  (111.  6,  9);  Gen.  42.  7,  9;  Mat.  24.  2,  25. 
18;  etc.,  etc. — (b)  With  a  verb  in  another  sentence:  Greg.2 
70.  17  :  Coram  testamenti  area  Dominum  consulit,  exemplum 
.  .  .  rectoribus  prcebens  =  103.  6  ;  frsegn  -Sees  Dryhten  beforan 
•Ssere  earce.  .  .     He  astea/de  on  •Saem  bisene ;  Gen.  42.  3 ;  etc. 

(2)  Co-ordinated  Optative :  Greg.2  394.  23 :  ne  in  seme- 
tipsis  torpentes  opere  alios  excitent  voce  =  461.  15:  'Sylses 
he  cSre  awecce  mid  his  wordum,  ^  himself  aslawige  godra 
weorca ;  Bede2  112.  12,  13:  adueniens  .  .  .  peruolauerit, 
qui  .  .  .  ingrediens  .  .  .  exierit  =  136.  1,2:  Cume  an  spearwa, 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       323 

.  .  .  fleo  -j  cume  .  .  .  ut  gewite. — Other  examples  :  Bened.2  56. 
2  (29.  6),  56.  8  (29.  12);  58.  16  (31.  11);  Mat.2  22.  24;  etc. 
(3)  Co-ordinated  Imperative:  Greg.2  150.24,25:  Et  vos 
domini  eadem  facite  illis,  remittentes  niinas,  scientes  quod  et 
illorum  et  vester  Dominus  est  in  coelis  =  203. 1  :  Ge  hlafordas, 
do$  ge  eowrurn  monnum  'Sset  ilce  be  hira  andefne  &  gemetgiaft 
•Sone  3rean  ;  geftencaft  ftret  Eegfter  ge  hira  hlaford  ge  eower 
is  on  hefenum.— Other  examples  :  Mat.2  5.  24,  9.  13,  10.  7  ; 
Ps.  Th.2  17.  48;  etc. 

II.  Frequently  by  a  Subordinated  Finite  Verb. 

Almost  as  frequently  as  by  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb  the 
Latin  appositive  participle  is  translated  by  an  Anglo-Saxon 
subordinated  finite  verb,  introduced  by  a  conjunction  that 
indicates  the  relation  sustained  by  the  Latin  participle  to 
the  principal  verb.  The  dependent  verb  in  Anglo-Saxon  is 
more  commonly  in  the  indicative,  though  occasionally  in 
the  optative ;  while  at  times  the  form  of  the  verb  is  ambigu- 
ous. The  use  of  the  indicative  or  the  optative  rests  upon 
the  well-known  distinction  between  these  two  moods,  but 
the  principle  is  not  infrequently  ignored.  I  cite  examples 
of  each  mood.  In  the  main,  the  examples  are  arranged 
according  to  the  use  of  the  appositive  participle  in  Latin  : — 

1.  The  Latin  Temporal  Clause  is  translated  by  a  subordi- 
nated finite  verb  introduced  by  a  temporal  conjunction  or 
conjunctioual  phrase:  usually  by  3a,  3a  3a,  ftonne ;  less 
frequently  by  after  3a??i  3p,  cefter  3on  3oe£,  mid  3#,  o3  3ce£, 
si33aw,  sona  swa,  swa,  swa  swrSe  swa,  -8a  hwile  3e.  Examples : 
(1)  Indicative: — 3a:  Mat.2  27.  24:  Uidens  autem  pilatus  .  .  . 
lavit  manus  =  Da  geseah  p.  .  .  .  $a  .  .  .  he  3woh  his  handa ; 
ib.  8.  8;  Bede2  91.  5  (112.  2),  91.  30  (112.  26);  Greg.2  70. 
23  (103.  11);  Gen2  28.  18,  30.  9;  etc.;  3a  3a:  Bede2  87. 
4  (106.  24);  Greg2  136.  5  (181.  17);  Gen2  3.  8;  etc.; 
Konne:  Greg.2  8a  (27.  17),  32.  15  (57.  2)  ;  Ps.  Th.2  21.  11  ; 
Bened.2  152.  12  (85.  9);  etc.;  cefter  "Seem  3e:   Greg2  216.  23 


324  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

(287.  9);  cvfter  Son  %cet:  Bede2  11.  25  (28.  7);  mid  %.• 
Bede2  84.  5  (102.  30);  oKKcet :  Greg.2  102.  23  (143. 
17);  siVKan:  Greg.2  78.  16  (113.  11),  Bened.2  132.  18  (70. 
9) ;  sona  siva :  Greg.2  32.  1 7  (57.  6) ;  swa  moi&e  swa : 
Greg.2  68.  17  (99.  21);  *a  hwile  Ke:  Greg2  344.  16  (421. 
28. — (2)  Optative:  ftonne:  Bened2  32.  11:  Injuriam  non 
facere,  sed  factarn  patienter  sufferre  =  17.  11  :  ac  %onne  him 
mon  yfel  do,  he  sceal  geSyldelice  arsefnian ;  Bede2  83.  6 
(100.  33);  Greg.2  322.  10  (403.  14);  Mat2  6.  7;  o«  Kcet: 
Bened.2  202.  14  (131.  6);  siWan:  Bened.2  138.  14  (73.  9); 
sona  swa:  Bened2  138.  14  (73.  9);  swa:  Bened2  158.  11 
(91.  13). 

Note. —  The  Latin  Co-ordinate  Participle,  though  normally 
translated  into  Anglo-Saxon  by  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb  (see 
above,  p.  321),  is  sometimes  translated  by  a  subordinated  finite 
verb,  which  clause  is  temporal.  Thus  in  Greg.2  156.  3  (in- 
crepat,  dicens  =  207.  14  tselde,  %a  he  cuceS)  we  have  as  the 
translation  of  dicens  the  dependent  %a  he  cwceft  instead  of  the 
more  common  independent  and  he  cwceS  (Greg.2  98.  16  (137. 
16),  etc.).  I  have  noted  about  thirty  examples  of  dicens  =  %a 
he  cwceft  in  Greg.2  and  about  forty  examples  of  dicens  =  and 
he  vine's.  Besides,  the  Anglo-Saxon  dependent  temporal 
clause  is  substituted  for  other  co-ordinate  participles  of  the 
Latin. 

2.  The  Latin  Relative  Clause  is  translated  by  a  subordi- 
nated finite  verb  introduced  by  a  relative  pronoun.  Ex- 
amples:— (1)  Indicative:  Bened.2  72.  14:  Lectiones  ad  ipsum 
deum  periinentes  dicantur  =  39.  9  :  rsediuga  syn  gesungene,  3e 
to  «am  freolsdaege  bdimpaft  ;  ib.  2.  6,  8  (1.  7,  9) ;  Greg2  18a2 
(37.  22);  Bede2  92.  8  (114.  6),  94. '28  (118.  12);  Gen.  23. 
17;  Mat.  22.  11,  25.  29,  25.  34;  Ps.  Th.2  3.  6;  etc.,  etc.— 
(2)  Optative :  Bened.2  44.  8  :  Scurrilitates  vero  vel  verba  otiosa 
et  risum  moventia,  seterna  clausura  in  omnibus  locis  damnamus 
=  22.  5  :  gegafsprsece  and  idele  word  and  fta  word,  %e  leahter 
astyrien  .  .  .  we  .  .  .  forbeodaS ;  Greg.2  126.  26  (173.  8) ;  Bede2 
57.'  17  (80.  25). 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       325 

3.  The  Latin  Causal  Clause  is  rendered  by  a  subordinated 
finite  verb  introduced  by  forftcem,  for&mm  %e,  forfton,  forfton 
•Se,  mid  %.  Examples  : — (1)  Indicative :  fortcem :  Greg.2  50. 
14  :  ad  exemplura  aliis  constitutus=  77.  13  :  Forftcem  he  bv§ 
gesett  to  bisene  oSrum  monnum :  Ps.  Th.  18.  7  ;— /orSon.-  Greg.2 
52.  9  (79.  10);  Bede2  6.  9  (2.  1 9) ;  forKcem^e :  Greg2  210.  1 
(276.  15  Cot.),  ib.  232.  12  (305.  2);  Bede2  116.  3  (142.  1); 
for  Kon  %e:  Bede2  309.  10  (432.  30);  mid  %y:  Bede2  12.  13 
(28.  18)  (or  Temporal  ?). 

4.  The  Latin  Conditional  Clause  is  translated  by  a  subordi- 
nate finite  verb  introduced  by  gif.  Examples : — (1)  Indicative  : 
Greg2  44.  6  :  Pupilla  namque  oculi  .  .  .  albuginem  tolemns  nil 
videt  =  69.  18  :  gif  hine  Sone  ^set  fleah  mid  ealle  qfergarS, 
Sonne  ne  mag  he  noht  gesion  ;  ib.  208.  25  (277.  8) ;  Bede2 
98.  8  (120.  22);  Bened.2  86.  17  (46.  16),  96.  20  (52.  4) ;  Mat.2 
21.  22.— (2)  Optative:  Greg.2  22.  23:  Cui  nolenti  in  faciem 
mulier  spuit  =  45.  2:  Gif  hire  -Sonne  se  wiftsace,  'Sonne  is 
cynn  $set  him  spiwe  Sset  wif  on  $set  nebb. 

5.  The  Latin  Concessive  Clause  is  turned  by  a  subordinate 
finite  verb  introduced  by  fteah,  fteah  fte.  Examples  : — (1) 
Indicative:  fteah :  Greg.2  192.  3:  non  levabo  caput,  saturatus 
afflictione  et  miseria  =  253.  8  :  .  .  .  fteah  ic  eom  gefylled  mid 
broce  &  mid  iernrSum. — (2)  Optative:  fteah:  Greg2  34.  19: 
co-actus=  59.  10:  $eah  hiene  raon  niede;  ib.  42.  18  (67.  23); 
Ps.  Th.2  3.  5 ;  Keah  %e :  Greg2  68.  7  (99.  9),  Bede2  57.  29 
(82.  4),  272.  28  (368.  16). 

6.  The  Latin  Final  Clause  is  translated  by  a  subordinated 
finite  verb  introduced  by  to  ftcem  ftcet,  to  %y  ftcet,  ¥>cet,  Se  Ices, 
■Se  Ices  "Se,  ftylces.  Examples: — (1)  Indicative:  I  find  no  ex- 
ample.— (2)  Optative:  ftcet:  Mat.2  14.  15:  dimitte  turbas,  ut 
euntes  in  castella  emant  sibi  escas  =  forlset  Sas  msenegeo  ¥>cet 
hi  faron  .  .  .  -j  him  mete  bicgean  ;  Greg.2  122.  19  (167.  17) ; 
to  Kcem  Kcet:  Greg.2  246.  20  (319.  20);  to  %  Keel:  Bened.2 
204.  15  (132.  15);  "Se  Ices:  Mat.2  13.  29;  3e  Ices  $e:  Gen.2  32. 
11  ;  Kylces:  Greg.2  90.  2,  4  (127.  14,  15),  180.  13  (239.  2). 


326  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

7.  The  Latin  Modal  Clause  is  turned  by  a  subordinate 
finite  verb  introduced  by  swa  swa,  swelce.  Examples: — 
(I)  Indicative :  swa  swa:  Greg.2  348.  14  :  ut  qui  voluptatibus 

ati  discessimus,  fletibus  ainaricati  redeamus  =  425.  14  : 
•Ssette  us  biterige  sio  hreowsung,  swa  siva  us  ser  swetedon  $a 
synna;  Mat.2  9.  36;  etc.,  etc.— (2)  Optative:  swelce:  Greg.2 
156.  6:  quasi  compatiens  =  207.  17:  suefce  he  efnsurSe  him 
6cer«;  ft.  80.  22  (117.  1),  94.  30  (135.  1);  Bened.'  ISO.  6 
(113.  25). 

8.  The  Latin  Consecutive  Clause  is  translated  by  a  sub- 
ordinated finite  verb  introduced  by  swa  %cet,  ftcet,  beetle. 
Examples:— (!)  Indicative:  sica  ¥>cet:  Mat.2  13.  2:  congre- 
gate sunt  ad  eum  turbse  multee,  ita  ut  in  naviculam. adscendens 
sederet  =  mycle  mrenigeo  wseron  gesamuade  to  him  swa  %cet 
he  eode  on  scyp  ?  «ser  sset ;  Bede2  278.  11,  12  (378.  20,  21); 
IScet:  Bede2  116.  4  (142.  2);  Bened.2  188.  15  (124.  5);  Kcette: 
Greg.2  182.  7  (241.  3).— (2)  Optative:  See*:  Greg.2  34.  21  : 
caveat  ne  acceptam  pecuniam  in  sudarium  ligans  de  ejus 
occultatione  judicetur  =  59.  13  :  healde  hine  Kent  he  ne 
cnytte  -Sset  underfongne  feoh  on  Seem  swatline;  ib.  38.  14 
(63.  15),  398.  20  (463.  13):  beetle:  Greg.2  164.  23  (219.  7); 
swaZcet:  Bened.2  12.  4  (5.  24). 


III.   By  a  Prepositional  Phrase. 

Not  infrequently  the  Latin  appositive  participle  is  translated 
into  Anglo-Saxon  by  a  prepositional  phrase. 

(1)  The  phrase  denotes  Manner,  Means,  or  Instrumentality, 
and  is  introduced  by  mid,  in,  %urh.  Examples: — mid:  Bened.2 
52.  19:  subsequuntur  gaudentes  et  dicentes  =  27.  11:  ftus 
sefterfylgendlice  mid  blisse  clypiaS  ;  ib.  104.  9  :  adjutus  = 
55.  16  :  mid  heora fultume ;  Greg2  274.  1 :  iratus  =  353.  20  : 
mid  his  ierre;  in  :  Bede2  239.  18  :  Cristas  incarnatus  =  310. 
26:  Crist  in  menniscum  lichoman;  %urh:  Bened.2  178.  15: 
admonitus  =  113.  13  :  %urh  myngunge. 


THE  APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE  IN    ANGLO-S.A  XON.      327 

(2)  The  phrase  denotes  Time,  and  is  introduced  by  after, 
be,  on,  under.  Examples: — cefter:  Bede2  110.  23:  eidem 
perempto  =  132.  14:  cefter  his  siege;  on:  Bened.2  88.  12: 
dormientes=  47.  11  :  on  slcepe ;  Greg.2  218.  15=  289.  10; 
under:  Bede2  114.  26:  albati  =  140.  4:  under  crisman  (or 
Modal  ?). 

(3)  The  phrase  denotes  Cause,  and  is  introduced  by  for. 
Examples: — Bened.2  96.  20:  exGommunieatus  =  52.  5:  for 
amanmnge;  Greg.2  28.  12  (51.  14);  Greg2  68.  18  :  miseratus 
=  99.  22  :  for  mildheortnesse  ;  Greg.2  124.  5  :  supernse  formi 
dinis  et  dilectionis  spiritu  afflatus  =  169.  3  :  for  Godes  lufum 
y  for  Godes  ege;  Bede2  32.  30  :  fame  confedi  =  54.  2  :  for 
hungre;  Gen.  19.  29:  Deus  recordatus  Abrahamse  liberavit 
Lot  =  alysde  L.  for  Abrahame;  Gen.  45.  3:  nimio  terrore 
perterriti  =for  ege. 

(4)  The  phrase  denotes  Condition  and  is  introduced  by 
butan :  Mat.2  22.  25  :  non  habens  semen  =  butan  bearne. 

IV.   By  a  Verb  in  the  Infinitive  Mood. 

Occasionally  the  Latin  appositive  participle  is  translated 
by  an  infinitive.  Examples: — (1)  Ihe  Uninfected  Infinitive: 
(a)  Without  a  subject:  Bened.2  10.  13  :  Et  >\fngientes  geheunse 
poenas  ad  vitam  volumus  pervenire  perpetnam  =  5.  5  :  And 
gif  he  hellewites  susl  a /or  6  ?/#<rm  willa-S  and  to  ecum  life  cuman ; 
Bede2  99.  25  :  uerbis  delectatus  promisit  =  122.  33  :  $a  ongon 
he  lustfullian  "Sees  biscopes  wordum  and  geheht ;  etc. ;  (b)  With 
a  subject:  Bede2  46.  5:  ad  iussionem  regis  resideutes  .  .  .  prae- 
dicarent  =  58.  28  :  Da  het  se  cyning  hie  sittan  .  .  .  and  hie 
.  .  .  bodedon;  Mat.2  27.  26.— (2)  The  Inflected  Infinitive: 
Greg.2  178.  25:  ita  nonnunquam  quibusdam  audita  vera 
nocuerunt  =  237.  11:  sua  dereS  eac  hwilnm  suninm  mon- 
num  Sset  so?  to  gehierenne ;  Greg.2  300.  15:  ut  cum  .  .  . 
tunc  quasi  a  nobismetipsis  fovas  etiam  alios  instruentes  ex- 
eamus^385.  9:  Ac  eft  bonne  .  .  .  Sonne  bio  we  of  Ssere 
ceastre  ut  afserene,  ^aet  is  of  urum  agnum  ingeSonce,  o"Sre 


328  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

men  to  Iceranne ;  Bede2  8.  10:  omnes  ad  quos  htec  eadem 
historia  peruenire  poterit .  .  .  legentes  siue  audientes  suppliciter 
precor,  ut  =  486.  8  :  ic  eaSmodlice  bidde  .  .  .  Ssette  to  eallutn 
■Se  Sis  ylce  star  to  becyme  .  .  .  to  rcedanne  oSSe  to  gehyranne 
•Sfet,  etc.;  Bede2  54.  24  :  si  .  .  .  actura  gratias  intrat  =  76. 12 : 
•geah  -Se  heo  .  .  .  Gode  -Soncunge  to  donne  .  .  .  gange ;  Ps. 
Th.2  9.  12. 

V.   By  an  Attributive  Participle. 

The  Latin  appositive  participle  is  at  times  translated  by  an 
Anglo-Saxon  attributive  participle.  Examples: — Bened2  24. 
13  :  ut  non  solum  detrimenta  gregis  sibi  commissi  non  patia- 
tur  =  14.  8  :  Sset  he  him  "Sees  befcesten  eowdes  nanne  sefwird- 
lan  najbbe;  ib.  92. 14  (49.  18),  146. 11  (78.  10);  Greg.2  22. 12 
(43.  14),  126.  7  (171.  11);  Mat.  17.  14. 

VI.   By  an  Absolute  Participle. 

Rarely  the  Latin  appositive  participle  is  translated  by  an 
Anglo-Saxon  absolute  participle.  Examples : — Mat.2  13.  1  : 
In  illo  die  exiens  Jesus  de  domo,  sedebat  secus  mare  =  On 
•Sam  dsege  •Sam  hcelende  ut-gangendum  of  huse  he  sset  wiS 
3a  sse;  Mk2  5.  2,  16.  12  ;  Mat.2  17.  14  ;  Lh2  1.  63,  17.  7  ; 
Oros2  33.  29  (34.  1).     (See  Abs.  Ptc.  in  A.S.,  pp.  8,  13.) 

VII.   By  an  Adverb. 

Occasionally  the  Latin  appositive  participle  is  turned  by 
an  adverb.  Examples  : — Greg2  360.  18 :  Hinc  iterura  iratus 
dicit  =  435.  11:  he  cwaeS  'eft  ierrenga ;  Greg.2  402.  18,  21  : 
cautus  .  .  .  sollicitus  =  467.  1,  3  :  ivcerlice  .  .  .  geomlice  ;  Ps. 
Th.2  16.  10:  projicientes  =forsewenlice. 

VIII.   By  an  Adjective. 

The  Latin  appositive  participle  is  at  times  translated  by  an 
Anglo-Saxon  adjective.    Examples  : — Bede2 108.  32  :  scio  .  .  . 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      329 

qua?  uentura  tibi  in  proximo  mala  formidas  =  128.  25  :  ic  wat 
.  .  .  hwylc  toweard  yfel  $u  -Se  in  neahnesse  forhtast ;  Bede? 
82.  5  :  adlatus  est  quidam  .  .  .  oculorum  luce  priuatus  =  100. 
3:  -Sa  lsedde  mon  for5  sumne  blindne  mon ;  Mat?  8.  16: 
multos  dcemonia  habentes  =  manege  deqfol-seoce. 

IX.   By  a  Substantive. 

Rarely  a  Latin  appositive  participle  is  represented  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  by  a  substantive.  Examples  : — Bened.2 116.  7  :  Mensis 
fratrum  edentium  lectio  deesse  non  debet  =  62.  3  :  Gebro^ra 
gereorde  set  hyra  mysum  ne  sceal  beon  butan  rsedinge;  Greg.2 
160.  16,  17 :  Egit  .  .  .  doctor,  ut  prius  audirent  laudali,  quod 
recognoscerent,  et  postmodum,  quod  exhortati  sequerentur  = 
213.  20.  21  :  Sua  gedyde  se  .  .  .  lareow  Sset  hie  reresS  gehier- 
don  ■$«  heringe  "Se  him  licode  forSaein  %eet  hie  setter  fem  $e 
lusftlicor  gehierden  Sa  hire. 


330  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   THE 
OTHER  GERMANIC   LANGUAGES. 

I. 

In  the  main,  the  uses  of  the  appositive  participle  in  the 
other  Germanic  Languages  tally  with  those  found  in  Anglo- 
Saxon.  My  discussion  must  be  brief  not  only  because  of 
the  want  of  space  but  also  because  of  the  lack  of  a  com- 
prehensive treatment  of  the  appositive  participle  in  these 
languages.  But  the  treatises  of  Douse  and  of  Gering  answer 
admirably  for  Gothic;  those  of  Falk  and  Torp,  of  Lund, 
and  of  Nygaard  for  the  Scandinavian  languages;  those  of 
Dietz,  O.  Erdmann,  K.  Forster,  Mourek,  Rannow,  Seedorf, 
Seiler,  and  Wunderlich,  for  Old  High  German ;  that  of 
Barz  for  Middle  High  German ;  and  those  of  Behaghel  and 
Pratje  for  Old  Saxon.  Mourek,  Pratje,  and  Rannow  do 
not  classify  their  examples  according  to  use.  Perhaps  it  is 
not  improper  to  state  that,  while  this  chapter  is  based  on 
the  statistics  of  others,  the  interpretation  thereof  is  my  own. 

1 .    Gothic. 

In  the  Introduction  I  have  already  commented  on  the 
unwisdom  of  Gering's  excluding  the  adjectival  (relative) 
participle  from  the  appositive  use.  Ignoring  this,  we  find 
the  appositive  participle  freely  used  adjectivally,  adverbially, 
and  co-ordinately  (though  Gering  does  not  use  the  last  term). 
As  Liicke  has  shown  with  reference  to  the  absolute  participle, 
so  it  is  with  the  appositive  participle :  Ulfilas  was  a  slavish 
translator;    and   his  usage  represents,  I  believe,  the  genius 


THE   APPOSITIVE    PAETICIPLE   IN    ANGLO-SAXON.      331 

of  the  classical  (especially  Greek)  and  not  of  the  Germanic 
languages  (see  II.  below).  But  at  times  even  Ulfilas  turns 
the  Greek  appositive  participle  by  a  finite  verb,  Gering  (p. 
313  IF.,  399  if.)  giving  not  a  few  examples  of  the  same  (over 
fifty  subordinate  and  twenty-five  co-ordinate  verbs) ;  whereas 
the  turning  of  a  Greek  finite  verb  by  a  Gothic  appositive 
participle  is  very  rare  (four  *  examples,  according  to  Gering, 
p.  401). 

I  append  a  few  examples  from  Gering :  I.  Adjectival 
(Relative)  (Gering's  attributive) :  Mat.  8.  9  :  Jah  auk  ik  manna 
im  habands  uf  waldufnja  meinamma  gadrauhtins  =  Kal  yap 
iyco  avOpairo^  elp,i  .  .  .  e^tov  inr'  ip,avTov  <TTpaTia)Tas  ;  L. 
2.  13:  managei  harjis  himinakundis,  hazjandane  gub  jah 
gibandane  =  IL\?}#oc  arparid^  ovpavlov  aivovvrwv  rov  6eov 
Kal  Xeyovrcov  ;  II.  Adverbial :  Mat.  27.  G3  :  qah  nauli  libands 
=  elrrev  en  £6yv  (temporal);  Mk.  6.  20:  Herodis  ohta  sis 
Iohannen,  kunnands  ina  wair  garaihtana  jah  weihana  = 
(}ipci)Srj<;  i(f)0^eiro  tov  'Iwdvvijv,  etS&><?  avrov  avSpa  Sc/caiov 
Kal  ciyiov  (causal) ;  J.  6.  6  :  batuh  ban  qaj?  fraisands  ina  = 
ToOro  Se  eXeyev  ireipd^tov  avrov  (final);  Mat.  6.  17:  i]» 
bu  fastands  salbo  haubib  bein  =  Xv  Se  vrjarevcov  dXei-^rai 
crov  rrjv  Ke({)a\j]v  (conditional  according  to  Gering,  but  may 
be  temporal) ;  Lk.  2.  48  :  sa  atta  beins  jah  ik  winnandona 
sokidedum  buk  =  6  IlaT^p  crov  Kayco  ohvvdopevot  e^rovp^ev 
o~e  (modal  :  manner);  Mk.  6.  5  :  siukaim  handuns  galagjands 
gahailida  =  dppcoo-rois  eVi^ei?  rds  ^elpa<;  iOepdirevaev  (modal : 
means,  Gering's  instrumental);  J.  7.  15:  hwaiwa  sa  bokos 
kann  unuslaisibs?  =  ILSs  ovros  ypdppara  olSev  prj  uep,adrjKco<; 
(concessive,  Gering's  limitative) ;  177.  Co-ordinate  (not  treated 
by  Gering  as  such) :  Mat.  6.  31  :  Ni  maurnaib  nu  qtyandans 
=  Mt)  ovv  pepipvrfo-eTe  Xeyovres  ;  Mk.  9.  12  :  lb  is  andhaf- 
jands  qab  du  im  =  6  he  aTTOKpidel*;  elirev  avrols. 

*  But  since,  in  making  this  statement,  Gering  limits  himself  to  the 
adverbial  uses  of  the  appositive  participle,  there  must  be  more  than  four 
examples  in  all.     I  have  myself  found  about  this  number  in  Mark. 


332  MOEGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

2.    The  Scandinavian  Languages. 

According  to  the  statements  of  Lund,  of  Falk  and  Torp, 
and  of  Nygaard,  the  appositive  participle  has  had  the  same 
history  in  the  Scandinavian  languages  as  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

As  Lund's  Oldnordisk  Ordfojningslcere  *  is  out  of  print,  it 
is  best,  perhaps,  to  quote  in  full  what  he  has  to  say  of  the 
appositive  use  of  the  participle  in  Old  Norse,  together  with 
his  examples  (§  149)  :  "  Tillsegsformerne,  isser  den  handlende, 
fojes  (som  hosstillet)  til  et  navneord  i  sretningen  for  at  betegne 
en  med  hovcdhandlingen  samtidig  (eller  fortidig)  handling 
eller  tilstand,  der  star  saledes  i  forbindelse  med  hovedhand- 
lingen,  at  den  ikke  alene  kan  bestemme  dens  tidsforhold,  men 
ogsa  dens  made  og  andre  omstsendigheder,  som  grund,  anled- 
ning,  betingelse,  modssetning  osv.,  hvilke  forhold  almindelig 
ellers(som  pa  Dansk)  udtrykkes  ved  bisa3tninger(med  bindeord 
eller  lienforende  udtryk)  eller  ved  en  forholdsordsforbindelse. 
Skont  denne  brug  ikke  er  meget  almindelig  (som  i  Grsesk  og 
Latin),  tjener  den  dog  ikke  sjselden  til  at  give  talen  korthed 
og  bojelighed,  da  tillsegsformerne  pa  denne  made  kunne  fojes 
ikke  alene  til  ssetningens  grundord,  men  ogsa  til  genstanden, 
hensynet  og  andre  led  deri."  Then  follow  his  examples : 
Hlsejandi  Volundr  h6fsk  at  lopti,  gratandi  BoSvildr  gekk  or 
eyju.  Volundarkv.  27. — (Hann)  hafSi  tekit  lax  or  forsinum 
ok  at  blundandi.  -Sri.  Edd.  72. — Or  hans  si"5u  sofanda  t6k 
gir$  eitt  rif  ok  fylldi  rum  rifsins  rneft  holSi.  Gisl.  44,  66. — 
Sa  sem  norrcena-Si,  kennandi  sinu  f£tsekd6m  ok  vanfceri  t6k 
|?etta  verk  upp  a  sik  af  boftskap  ok  forsogn  fyrri  sagfts  virSu- 
ligs  herra.  Stjom  2. — Sii  er  kaupir  vis  vitandi  (sciens,  med 
sit  vidende,  saledes  at  han  ved)  Grdg.  I.,  15. — Hon  drottningin 
|?etta  sjandi  (hoc  videos,  ved  at  se  dette)  fylldist  spdleiksanda 
ok  maslti  sva.  Biskupa  S.  217. — At  fengnum  andsvorum 
spurora  luta  ok  offraSu  miklu  fe.    Alex.  51. — Drukku  jarlar 

*  For  the  loan  of  this  book  I  am  indebted  to  Professor  James  Morgan 
Hart,  who  also  kindly  called  my  attention  to  the  work  of  Falk  and  Torp. 


THE    APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE    IX    AXGLC—SAXON.       333 

61  J^egiandi  (tiende  a :  uden  at  ru.be  dertil),  en  cepanda  olker 
sto$.  Hervar.  41. — In  the  next  paragraph  (§  150)  Lund 
discusses  the  attributive  use  of  the  participle;  and  some  of 
the  examples  there  given  would  come  under  our  "adjectival  " 
use  of  the  appositive  participle. 

In  their  recent  work,  Dansk-Norskens  Syntax  i  Historisk 
Fremsstilling ,  Falk  and  Torp  briefly  treat  the  appositive  use 
of  the  participle  not  only  in  Old  Norse  but  also  in  the  modern 
Scandinavian  languages.  Their  statement  is  an  admirable 
supplement  to  that  of -Lund,  and  is  worthy  of  quotation  (§  67. 
3):  "Apposition  af  participier  forholder  sig  vsesentlig  som 
adjektivernes.  Ved  prrasens  particip  forekommer  appositiv 
brug  i  oldnorsk  kun  i  Iserd  stil :  lion  misgorfti  etandl  af  tressins 
dvexti;  takriSi  ])dfyrir  sinum  mpnnum  svd  mcelandi.  Endnu  er 
udtryk  som  :  jeg  gik  igang  med  arbeidet  stolende  paa  haus  lofte  ; 
trodsende  alle  hindriuger  trsengte  han  frem,  fremmede  for  den 
egte  folkelige  udtryksmaade.  Den  seldre  kancellistil  yndede 
saadanne  vendinger :  paa  eet  andhet  stedt  talindis  om  banclt 
siger  han  saa  (P.  Elies.) ;  T.  gick  vd  emod  dennem  berendis 
hostiam  (Abs.  Ped.) ;  andre  breffue  lydendis  at  (St.  D.  Pr.) ; 
jeg  befaler  dig  Gud  onskendis  dig  aid  lyksalighed  (Pont.) ; 
befalendiss  dig  hermed  gud  og  himmelen  (Chr.  VI.).  Ved 
fortidsparticip  findes  appositiv  brug  i  oldnorsk  klassik  prosa 
kun  i  et  parenkle  udtryk  :  \d  lagu  \>ar  fyrir  Danir  komnir 
or  ler&angri.  I  larde  skrifter  forekommer  ogsaa  foranstillet 
apposition  :  utgenginn  af  skola  heldr  hann  sik  nu  upp  d  leik- 
manna  halt;  Or  sinu  valdi  kastadr  do  hann  i  myrkvastofu. 
Endnu  er  forbindelser  som :  forladt  af  alle  dode  han  i  ensom- 
hed  ;  opbragt  herover  ponsede  han  paa  hasvn,  ganske  uhjem- 
lige  og  fremmede  for  godt  landsmaal.  Uden  anstod  er 
derimod  den  efterstillede  apposition  i  udtryk  som  :  Gud 
sendte  sin  son,  fodt  af  en  kvinde ;  til  en  by,  kaldet  Ephrem. 
I  den  asldre  kunstige  stil  paatrseffes  vendinger  som  :  rigdom 
ther  ijlde  brnghet  gifFuer  orsage  till  alwerdsins  homodt  (P. 
Elies.);  aalije,  ther  mange  menniskir  smwrde  met  worde 
karscke  (ib.).  Sml.  §  139,  1."  The  section  cited  runs: 
13 


334  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

"Appositivt  particip  til  betegnelse  af  den  en  hovedssetning 
underordnede  handling,  erstattende  en  relativ,  tids-eller 
aarsagssoetning,  er  i  det  hele  og  store  en  fremmed  brug  i 
nordisk  :  se  §  67,  3.  I  vort  skriftsprog  er  denne  udtryksmaade 
ikke  sjelden  :  han  gik  bort,  p0nsende  paa  hsevn ;  ankornmen 
til  byen,  gik  han  straks  ned  til  havnen.  I  dagligtalen 
anvendes  den  aldrig.  Anderledes  hvor  participiet  betegner 
snbjektets  tilstand  under  handlingen.  Her  fungerer  det  som 
adjektiv,  idet  dette  kan  anvendes  paa  samme  maade :  Outrun 
grdtandi  gekk  or  tuni ;  han  gik  slagen  derfra  (sml.  han  gik 
glad  bort) ;  se  §  68,  2  b." 

Nygaard  considers  that  the  use  of  the  participle  in  Norse 
prose  is  largely  due  to  Latin  influence.  As  I  have  not  had 
access  to  his  article  on  Den  Lcerde  Stil  i  den  Normne  Prosa, 
I  quote  the  summary  of  the  Berlin  Jahresbericht  for  1896  : 
"  Der  gelehrte  stil  zeigt  sich  in  der  nordischen  prosa:  1.  in 
der  erweiterung  des  gebrauchs  des  part,  prsesens,  das  in 
volkstiimlichen  stile  nicht  allzu  haufig  angevvendet  wird. 
Auf  dem  gebrauch  dieses  part,  hat  im  gelehrten  stil  das  lat. 
part,  praesens  und  das  gerundium  eingewirkt.  2.  Auch  der 
gebrauch  des  part,  praet.  ist  in  dem  gelehrten  stil  wesentlich 
erweitert.  Namentlich  wird  das  part,  prset.  haufig  mit 
pii'ipositionen  (at,  eptir)  verbuuden ;  wir  haben  hier  eine 
konstruktion,  die  dem  lat.  abl.  absol.  entspricht." 

3.    High  German. 

(1)    Old  High  German. 

I  have  been  surprised  to  find  how  closely  the  uses  of  the 
appositive  participle  in  Old  High  German  correspond  to  those 
in  Anglo-Saxon.  True,  Tatian  has  no  Anglo-Saxon  counter- 
part, for  he  is  as  slavish  in  following  his  original  as  is  Ulfilas  ; 
and  has  hundreds  of  examples  of  the  uu-Germanic  co-ordinate 
participle.  But  the  more  original  Otfrid  and  Isidor  are  quite 
different.     In  Otfrid  and  Notker  the  modal  participle  was 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       335 

so  common  that  it  developed  an  adverbial  ending  in  -o  (O. 
Erdrnann,  Syntax  der  Sprache  Off  rids,  p.  219),  as  in  Otfrid, 
IV.,  12.  53  :  er  fnor  ilonto  ;  v.,  9.  14  :  ir  get  sus  drurento.  The 
modal  use  is  found,  too,  in  Isidor.  In  Isidor  and  in  Otfrid, 
again,  the  adjectival  use  of  the  preterite  participle  is  common, 
while  that  of  the  present  is  comparatively  rare,  being  limited 
as  in  Anglo-Saxon  to  participles  with  slight  verbal  power. 
The  other  uses  are  rare  in  both  writers.  Isidor,  for  instance, 
has  only  four  examples  of  the  co-ordinate  participle,  all 
from  quedan  ;  two  are  in  direct  translation  of  the  Latin  dicens, 
and  we  may  add  also  the  other  two,  though  dicens  does  not 
occur  in  these  two  passages.  But  eighteen  times  Isidor  trans- 
lated a  Latin  co-ordinate  participle  by  a  finite  verb  (nine 
co-ordinated  and  nine  subordinated).  Clearly,  then,  if  Isidor 
and  Otfrid  are  true  types,  the  co-ordinate  participle  was  as 
unnatural  in  Old  High  German  as  in  Anglo-Saxon.  In  the 
Benediktinerregel,  finally,  the  present  participle  often  answers 
to  a  Latin  gerund  in  the  ablative  (Seiler,  p.  470). 

Examples  :  (1)  Adjectival  (Relative): — Tatian,  88.  2  :  Uuas 
sum  man  dar  drizog  inti  ahto  iar  habenti  in  sinero  unmahti  = 
Erat  autem  quidam  homo  ibi  triginta  octo  annos  habens  in 
infirmitate  sua;  Otfrid,  in.,  20.  1  :  gisah  einan  man,  blintan 
giboranan  ;  Tatian,  107. 1  :  Inti  uuas  sum  arm  betalari  ginem- 
nit  Lazarus  =  Et  erat  quidam  mendicus  nomine  Lazarus ;  (2) 
Adverbial: — Otfrid,  I.,  17.  73:  sie  wurtun  slafente  fon  engilon 
gimanote  (temporal);  Tatian,  192.  2:  Inti  anderu  managu 
bismaronti  quadun  in  inan  =  Et  alia  multa  blasphemantes  dice- 
bant  in  eum  (modal:  manner);  Tatian,  12.  3:  inti  inan  ni 
findanti  fuorun  uuidar  zi  Hierusalem  inan  suochenti  (causal 
and  final) ;  Otfrid,  v.,  12.  26  :  er  ingiang  ungimerrit,  duron 
so  bisperrit  (concessive) ;  Otfrid,  I.,  8.  6  :  thin  racha,  sus gidan, 
nam  thes  huares  thana  wan  (conditional);  (3)  Co-ordinate : — 
Otfrid,  1 ,  13.  18  :  barg  thin  wort,  in  herzen  ahtonti ;  Tatian, 
6.  6  :  Maria  uuarlihho  gihielt  allu  thisiu  uuort  ahtonti  in  ira 
herzen  =  M.  autem  conservabat  omnia  verba  haec  conferens 
in  corde  suo ;  Tatian,  54.  6  :   antvvurtenti  quad  zi  in  =  re- 


336  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

spondens  dixit  ad  illos ;  Tatian,  81.  2:  sprah  in  quedenti  = 
locutus  est  eis  dicens. 


(2)   Middle  High  German. 

The  story  is  the  same  in  Middle  High  German,  if  we  may 
take  Barz's  *  statistics  of  the  Nibelungenlied  and  Iwein  as  true 
for  Middle  High  German  in  general.  Here  the  adverbial 
participle  denoting  manner  is  very  common,  and  we  meet  with 
sorgende,  swigende,  unwizzende,  etc.,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon.  But 
the  adverbial  participle  denoting  means  is  practically  unknown, 
and  the  other  uses  of  the  adverbial  appositive  participle  are 
rare.  Those  cited  as  temporal  and  as  final  occur  in  close  con- 
nection with  verbs  of  motion,  and  waver  between  predicative 
and  adverbial  uses.  The  adjectival  (relative)  use  is  almost 
exclusively  confined  to  the  preterite  participle.  The  co-ordi- 
nate use  is  not  known. 

Examples  from  Barz : — (1)  Adjectival  {Relative):  Nib.  2. 
3:  ein  vil  edel  magedin,  daz  .  .  .  sin,  Kriemhilt  geheizen;  Nib. 
833.  2 :  die  truogen  liehte  pfelle  .  .  .,  geworht  in  Arabin  ;  (2) 
Adverbial:  Nib.  1065.  1  :  vil  lute  scricnde  daz  liu't  gie  mit  im 
dan  (temporal) ;  Nib.  2333.  3  :  ez  giengen  iuwer  helde  zuo 
disem  gademe  gewqfent  wol  ze  vlize  (temporal) ;  Nib.  502.  3  : 
sorgende  f  wahte  er  (modal :  manner) ;  Iw.  3227  :  er  stal  sich 
sioigende  f  dan  (modal);  Iw.  6113:  daz  ist  unwizzende  f  gesche- 
hen  (modal) ;  Iw.  531  :  daz  ich  suochende  rite  einen  man 
(final);  ib.  Iw.  4163,  5775. 

(3)    New  High  German. 

The  fullest  recent  treatment  accessible  to  me  of  the  apposi- 
tive participle  in  New  High  German  is  that  by  von  Jagemann 
in  his  Elements  of  German  Syntax  ;  of  which  this  section  of 

*Paul  does  not  treat  the  construction. 

fBarz  (p.  22)  puts  this  under  Adverbialer  Gebrauch  des  Participiums,  not 
Appositiver  Gebrauch. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      337 

my  paper  is  scarcely  more  than  a  summary.  In  §  124, 
4a,  he  gives  the  three  following  examples  of  the  appositive 
participle  in  New  High  German:  "She  sat  weeping  by  the 
bedside  of  her  mother  =  Sie  sass  weinend  am  Bette  ihrer 
mutter;  He  entered  the  room  in  silence  =  Schweigeud  trat 
er  in  das  Zimmer;  Pierced  by  an  arrow  he  sank  to  the  ground 
=  Von  einera  Pfeile  getroffen  sank  er  zu  Boden."  To  me, 
however,  the  participle  in  the  first  example  appears  to  be 
used  predicatively.  The  remaining  two  are  appositive,  the 
former  denoting  manner  and  the  latter  cause.  In  §  125, 
notwithstanding,  we  are  told :  "  Present  participles  should 
not  be  used  in  German  to  express  adverbial  relations  of 
time,  cause,  or  manner."  *  I  do  not  know  how  to 
reconcile  the  italicized  part  of  this  statement  with  example 
two  above,  unless  for  the  moment  Professor  von  Jagemann 
had  in  mind  the  statement  made  in  §  124,  3c:  "A  limited 
number  of  present  participles  are  no  longer  felt  as  such,  but 
as  common  adjectives,  and  they  may  therefore  be  used 
predicatively  and  adverbially*:  He  is  absent  =  Er  ist  ab- 
wesend ;  She  sang  charmingly  =  Sie  sang  reizend ; "  and 
thought  that  he  had  put  Schweigend  trat  er  in  das  Zimmer 
under  §  124,  3c  instead  of  §  124,  4a.  Be  this  as  it  may,  his 
statement  that  the  present  participle  may  be  used  adverbially  is 
in  strict  keeping  with  the  tradition  not  only  of  High  German, 
but  also  of  ths  Germanic  languages  in  general,  so  far  as  it 
is  used  to  denote  manner.  The  non-use  of  the  present  parti- 
ciple to  denote  time  and  cause  is  what  our  preceding  investi- 
gation has  led  us  to  expect. 

Again,  we  learn  that  the  "adjectival"  use  of  the  present 
appositive  participle  is  not  allowed  (§  124,  46) :  "This  [i.  e., 
the  appositive]  use  of  a  participle,  however,  is  not  permitted 
in  the  numerous  cases  in  which  an  important  limitation  of  a 
noun  is  to  be  expressed.  The  participle  should  then  be  used 
attributively,  before  the  noun,  preceded  by  its  own  qualifiers 

*The  italics  are  mine. 


338  MORGAN    CALLAWAY,    JR. 

(see  §  231,  2) ;  or  else  a  relative  clause  should  be  substituted : 
The  book  lying  on  the  table  was  a  Greek  Grammar  =  Das 
auf  dem  Tische  liegende  Buch  war  eine  grieehische  Grammatik, 
or  Das  Bnch,  das  auf  dem  Tische  lag  etc. ;  The  candidate 
receiving  the  largest  number  of  votes  is  elected  =  Der  die 
meisten  Stimmen  erhaltende  Candidat  (or  derjenige  Candidat, 
welcher  die  meisten  Stimmen  erhalt,)  ist  erwahlt ;  I  prefer 
an  edition  of  Moliere's  works  printed  in  France  =  Ich  ziehe 
eine  in  Frankreich  gedruckte  Ausgabe  von  Moliere's  Werken 
(or  eine  Ausgabe  von  .  .  .  die  in  Frankreich  gedruckt  ist,)  vor." 

Finally,  we  are  told  that  the  "  co-ordinate "  use  of  the 
present  participle  is  not  common  (§  124,  Ic) :  "A  present 
participle  should  not,  ordinarily,  be  used  to  express  an  idea 
as  important  as,  or  more  important  than,  that  expressed  by 
the  finite  verb,  but  a  co-ordinate  verb  should  be  used  instead 
of  the  participle :  He  sat  at  his  desk  all  day,  writing  letters 
=  Er  sass  den  ganzen  Tag  an  seinem  Pulte  und  schrieb 
Briefe;  He  stood  on  the  mountain,  looking  down  into  the 
valley  =  Er  stand  auf  dem  Berge  und  sah  ins  Thai  hinunter." 
This  usage  is  in  strict  accord  with  that  of  Early  West  Saxon. 

No  specific  statement  is  made  as  to  the  governing  power 
of  the  present  participle  when  used  appositively.  But,  from 
§  124.  4b&0  above  quoted,  we  learn  that  the  present  apposi- 
tive  participle  seldom  governs  an  object  in  New  High  German, 
the  participle  with  an  object  usually  being  attributive. 

As  to  the  past  participle,  von  Jagemann  has  this  to  say 
(§  126):  ''Although  past  participles  are  more  frequently  used 
in  German  to  express  adverbial  relations  than  present  parti- 
ciples, yet  they  cannot  be  used  with  the  same  freedom  as  in 
English,  and  it  will  often  seem  best  to  make  substitutions  for 
them  similar  to  those  just  indicated  for  present  participles." 

4.    Old  Saxon. 

in  Old  Saxon  (cf.  Behaghel,  and  Pratje,  §§  156,  159)  we 
again   meet  with  the  adverbial   participle  denoting  manner 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE    IX    ANGLO-SAXON.      339 

(sorgondi,  gornondi,  greotandi,  etc.),  but  not  means.  The  only 
instances  of  the  temporal  participle  are  with  slapandi  and 
libbiandi.  The  other  adverbial  uses  are  unrepresented  (cf. 
Behaghel,  §  300).  The  adjectival  (relative)  use  is  commoner 
with  the  preterite  than  with  the  present.  The  co-ordinate 
participle  is  unknown ;  for  the  participles  cited  by  Behaghel 
in  §  300,  B.,  are  either  predicative  or  modal. 

Examples  (all  from  the  Heliand  as  given  by  Pratje)  : — (1) 
Adjectival  (relative):  3391  :  huo  ik  hier  brinnandi  thrauuerc 
tholon ;  2776  :  that  man  iro  Johannes  .  .  .  hobid  gad  alosit 
fan  is  lichamen  ;  (2)  Adverbial ':  Temporal:  1013:  that  gi  so 
libbeandi  thena  landes  uuard  sebon  gisahon ;  701  :  sagda  im 
an  suefna  slapandion  on  naht ; — modal :  4588  :  thuo  bigan 
thero  erlo  gihuilic  te  oSremo  .  .  .  sorgondi  gisehan ;  4071  : 
griot  gornondi;  2996:  gruotta  ina  greotandi;  etc.  Pratje 
(§  155.  2)  considers  uuillaadi  an  adverb  in  1965  :  thoh  hie 
.  .  .  manuo  huilicon  uuillandi  forgeue  uuatares  drincan. 

II. 

Despite  the  professed  incompleteness  of  the  preceding  pres- 
entation of  the  uses  of  the  appositive  participle  in  the  Ger- 
manic languages  exclusive  of  English,  I  believe  it  warrants 
us  in  drawing  certain  general  conclusions  concerning  the  origin 
of  the  appositive  participle  in  the  Germanic  languages,  as 
follows : — 

1.  The  adverbial  participle  denoting  manner  and  the  adjec- 
tival (relative)  past  participle  are  most  probably  native  to  the 
Germanic  languages.  Perhaps,  too,  the  adjectival  and  the 
temporal  uses  with  words  like  be,  live,  and  sleep  are  native. 

2.  All  other  uses  of  the  appositive  participle,  whether 
present  or  past,  are  probably  of  Greek  or  Latin  origin. 

3.  That  the  appositive  use  of  the  present  participle  having 
an  object  is  derived  from  the  Greek  and  the  Latin  is  highly 
probable.  True,  the  appositive  participle  in  Ulfilas  and  in 
Tatian  governs  an  object  with  extraordinary  frequency ;  but 


340  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

I  believe  that  a  comparison  of  the  examples  with  the  originals 
would  show  that  in  almost  every  case  the  construction  is  in 
direct  imitation  of  the  Greek  and  the  Latin.  Neither  Gering 
nor  Mourek  cites  all  the  examples  of  the  participle  with  an 
object;  Mourek  does  not  give  the  Latin  original  along  with 
the  Old  High  German  ;  and  I  have  not  made  an  exhaustive 
comparison  in  either  case.  But  the  slight  stud)7  I  have  given 
forces  me  to  the  above  conclusion.  I  find,  for  instance,  that 
out  of  151  present  participles  with  a  direct  object  in  the 
Gothic  Mark  139  correspond  to  Greek  participles  with 
objects ;  and  that  in  most  of  the  twelve  exceptional  cases 
the  participle  translates  a  Greek  participle  elsewhere  in  Mark. 
Mourek  cites  140  examples  of  quedenti  in  Tatian ;  and,  on 
turning  to  the  Latin,  I  find  that  in  137  of  these  instances 
the  Old  High  German  participle  is  a  direct  translation  of 
dicens.  More  than  this,  not  a  few  of  the  Greek  participles 
with  an  object  that  are  cited  by  Gering  (pp.  313  if.,  399  ff.) 
are  turned  by  a  finite  verb,  whereas  the  whole  number 
of  Greek  verbs  turned  by  Gothic  participles  is  very  small. 
In  the  more  original  Old  High  German  texts,  a  present 
participle  with  an  object  is  almost  unknown.  Of  the 
appositive  participles  (present)  cited  from  Otfrid  by  Erd- 
maim  only  three  have  an  object  (singenti,  I.  12.  22;  hel- 
senti,  i.  11.46;  trinti,  I.  5.  50).  With  the  present  appositive 
participles  cited  from  Isidor  by  Rannow,  an  object  occurs  only 
four  times,  each  time  the  participle  of  the  verb  quedan;  in 
two  of  these  instances  in  direct  translation  of  the  Latin  dicens, 
and  in  the  other  two  without  any  corresponding  participle 
in  the  Latin.  More  than  this,  eighteen  times  Isidor  translated 
a  Latin  participle  having  an  object  by  a  finite  verb  (co-ordi- 
nated nine  and  subordinated  nine),  nine  of  these  being  forms 
of  dicens. — In  Middle  High  German,  too,  an  object  is  seldom 
found.  Bar/  cites  only  three  examples  from  Iwein  and  the 
Nibelungenlied  (Nib.  2292  :  gie  Wolf  hart  .  .  .  houwende  die 
Guntheres  man  ;  Iw.  531  :  daz  ich  suochende  rite  einen  man  ; 
ho.  4163 :  die  reit  ich  suochende),  and  these  are  in  connection 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.      341 

with  a  verb  of  motion,  and  waver  between  the  predicative 
and  the  appositive  use. — The  comparative  infrequency  of  the 
present  participle  with  an  object  in  New  High  German  is 
known  to  all. — As  for  Old  Saxon,  not  one  of  the  genuine 
appositive  participles  cited  by  Pratje  has  an  object. 

III. 

The  other  Germanic  languages  employed  about  the  same 
substitutes  for  the  Greek  and  Latin  appositive  participle  as 
did  Anglo-Saxon;  hence  this  topic  may  be  treated  with  great 
brevity. 

1.  The  Co-ordinated  Finite  Verb. 

Of  the  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  Gering  (p.  399  f.)  cites 
about  twenty-five  examples  from  Ulfilas,  such  as  Mh.  5.  41  : 
KpaTij<ra<i  t?;?  %«po9  rov  Trathiov  \eyei  =  fairgraip  bi 
handau  ]>ata  barn  qajmh  ;  J.  18.  22  :  eSo/cev  pairta^a  .  .  .  eliroov 
=  gaf  slah  .  .  .  qajrnh  ;  etc. — This  translation  is  common  in 
Old  High  German,  also,  ten  examples  occurring  in  Isidor 
(Rannow,  p.  99  f.) :  39.  26 :  etiam  locus  ipse  coruscans 
miraculis  ...  ad  se  omnem  contrahat  mundum  =  ioh  auh 
dhin  selba  stat  ehischeinit  .  .  .  ioh  zi  imu  chidhinsit  allan 
mittingart ;  4.  33 :  respondem  .  .  .  ait  =  antuurta  .  .  . 
quad  ;  etc. 

2.  The  Subordinated  Finite  Verb. 

For  the  dependent  clause  as  a  translation  of  the  Greek  and 
Latin  appositive  participle  in  the  other  Germanic  languages, 
see  Gering,  p.  395  ff. ;  Rannow,  p.  100. 

As  to  Gothic,  Gering  gives  but  two  or  three  examples  of 
this  locution  in  his  treatment  of  the  appositive  participle  (J.  13. 
30  :  Xaftcbv  .  .  .  e£rj\dev  =  bi]>e  andnam  J?ana  hlaib  jains,  suns 
galai);  ut;  Philip.  1.  27) ;  but,  as  already  stated,  Gering  limits 
the  term  appositive  to  the  "  adverbial "  uses  of  the  participle, 
and  excludes  therefrom  the  "adjectival,"  unwisely  considering 
all  the  latter  "  attributive."     Many  of  his  attributive  parti- 


342  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

ciples  are,  according  to  our  definition,  appositive ;  and  in  not 
a  few  of  these  examples,  as  Gering  states  (p.  313),  the  Greek 
participle  is  translated  by  a  Gothic  subordinated  finite  verb 
introduced  by  a  relative  pronoun,  as  in  :  Mat.  6.  4,  6.  18  :  6 
7rar7]p  aov  6  ^Xeirwv  iv  ra>  Kpvirrw  =  atta  ]>eins  saei  saihwty 
in  fulhnsja  ;  Eph.  1.3:  0eb<>  ...  6  evXoyijaas  f)fia<i  =  gu]>  •  •  • 
izei  ga)riu]rida  uns ;  etc.,  etc.  (about  fifty  examples  in  all).  More- 
over, as  Gering  tells  us  (p.  317  ff.),  the  Greek  substantivized 
participle  is  often  turned  by  a  Gothic  dependent  clause.  In 
reality,  then,  the  translation  of  a  Greek  appositive  participle 
(especially  in  its  adjectival  use)  by  a  subordinated  finite  verb 
is  very  common  in  Gothic. 

In  Old  High  German,  also,  the  dependent  finite  verb  often 
translates  a  Latin  appositive  participle.  Rannow  (p.  100) 
cites  ten  examples  from  Isidor ;  of  which  I  quote  two  only  : 
19.14:  secundum  Moysi  sententiam  dicentis  =  after  Moyses 
quhidim,  dhar  ir  quhad ;  21.  16  :  sed  semetipsum  exinanivit 
formam  servi  accipiens  =  oh  ir  sih  selbun  aridalida,  dhuo  ir 
scalches  chiliihnissa  infenc. 

3.    The  Prepositional  Phrase. 

Rannow  (p.  102)  cites  one  instance  of  this  construction  in 
Isidor:  19.  26:  incarnatus  et  homo  factus  est  =  in  fleisches 
liihheman  uuardh  uuordan ;  which  should  be  compared  with 
Bede2  239.  18  :  Cristus  incarnatus  =  310.  26  :  in  menniscum 
lichoman. 

4.    The  Infinitive. 

Gering  (p.  397)  cites  one  example  from  the  Gothic  :  Mk. 
10.  46  :J  etcddnro  irapa  rrjv  6Sbv  Trpocranwv  =  sat  faur  wig  du 
aihiron,  but  the  Greek  participle  here  is  better  considered 
predicative. 

5.    The  Adverb. 

Four  examples  of  this  locution  occur  in  Gothic  (Gering, 
p.  306):  2  Cor.  13.  2,  10:  airo>v  ^pd^xo  =  alja]>ro  melja ; 
Phil.  1.  25,  27. 


THE   APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       343 

6.    The  Adjective. 

This  substitution  is  very  common  in  Gothic  (Gering,  p. 
301  f.) :  31 k.  6.  9  :  v-n-oSeSe/jLevos  =  gaskohs ;  etc.,  etc. — Six 
examples  occur  in  Isidor  (Rannow,  p.  102) :  33.  5  :  mente 
caecati  =  muotes  blinde;  etc. 

7.    The  Substantive. 

This  construction  occurs  in  Gothic  (Gering,  p.  303)  and 
in  Old  High  German  (Rannow,  p.  102).  Examples : — (a) 
Gothic  :  Mat.  8.  16  :  TrpoaijpeyKap  avrco  Sai/jLOVL^ofMevovs 
7roWou9  =  atberun  du  imma  daimonarjans  mauagans ;  etc. ; — 
(6)  Old  High  German  :  Isidor,  21.  30  :  dominus  numeravit 
scribens  populos  =  druhtin  saghida  dhazs  chiscrip  dhero  folcho 
(see  Rannow's  footnote  on  this  sentence). 


344  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

THE  ANGLO-SAXON  APPOSITIVE  PARTICIPLE 
AS  A  NORM  OF   STYLE. 

In  my  dissertation  on  The  Absolute  Participle  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  a  chapter  is  given  to  "The  Absolute  Participle  as 
a  Norm  of  Style,"  which  is  based  on  Professor  Gildersleeve's 
essay  "  On  the  Stylistic  Effect  of  the  Greek  Participle."  In 
that  chapter  is  discussed  the  stylistic  effect  not  only  of  the 
absolute  participle,  but  also,  incidentally,  of  the  appositive 
parliciple.  I  need  not,  therefore,  detail  here  the  theory  there 
laid  down,  the  more  so  that  nothing  has  occurred  to  make 
me  change  the  view  then  expressed.  Since,  however,  this 
study  may  come  into  the  hands  of  some  to  whom  the  earlier 
paper  is  not  accessible,  I  shall  briefly  state  the  theory  there 
given,  and  add  such  comments  and  illustrations  as  may 
seem  called  for  by  the  present  detailed  investigation  of  the 
appositive  participle  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

The  theory  as  to  the  stylistic  effect  of  the  absolute  parti- 
ciple in  Anglo-Saxon  was  summarized  in  these  words  (p.  52) : 
"  The  stylistic  effect  of  the  absolute  participle  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  was  much  the  same  as  in  the  classical  languages  : 
it  gave  movement  to  the  sentence ;  it  made  possible  flexibility 
and  compactness.  But,  owing  to  the  artificial  position  of 
the  absolute  construction  in  Anglo-Saxon,  its  stylistic  value 
was  reduced  to  a  minimum,  was  indeed  scarcely  felt  at  all. 
The  absolute  participle  rejected  as  an  instrument  of  style,  the 
Anglo-Saxon  had  no  adequate  substitute  therefor.  The  two 
commonest  substitutes,  the  dependent  sentence  and  the  co- 
ordinate clause,  as  used  in  Anglo-Saxon,  became  unwieldy 
and  monotonous.  Brevity  and  compactness  were  impossible ; 
the  sentence  was  slow  in  movement  and  somewhat  cumber- 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      345 

some.  The  language  stood  in  sore  need  of  a  more  flexible 
instrument  for  the  notation  of  subordinate  conceptions,  of 
such  an  instrument  as  the  absolute  dative  seemed  capable 
of  becoming  but  never  became." 

In  the  light  of  the  foregoing  history  of  the  appositive 
participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  does  this  theory  as  to  the  stylistic 
effect  of  the  absolute  participle  apply  likewise  to  the  apposi- 
tive participle?  Was  the  appositive  participle  as  artificial  a 
construction  as  the  absolute  participle?  or  was  it  more  or  less 
naturalized,  if  not  native,  in  Anglo-Saxon? 

Undoubtedly  the  stylistic  effect  of  the  appositive  participle 
in  Anglo-Saxon  is  to  give  the  sentence  movement,  flexibility, 
and  compactness ;  and  it  does  this  to  a  somewhat  greater 
degree,  I  think,  than  could  an  equal  number  of  absolute 
participles.  To  test  this  statement  one  need  only  compare 
a  half  dozen  pages  of  Alfred,  in  which,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
appositive  participle  (especially  in  certain  uses)  is  rare,  with 
the  same  number  of  iElfric's,  which  are  strewn  therewith. 
The  slowness  and  the  clumsiness  of  the  former  are  not  more 
patent  than  the  rapidity,  the  flexibility,  and  the  grace  of  the 
latter.    Space  does  not  allow  quotations,  nor  are  they  necessary. 

But  the  above  statement  is  with  reference  to  the  appositive 
participle  as  a  whole,  whereas  in  Anglo-Saxon,  as  we  have 
learned,  the  appositive  participle  has  three  sharply  differenti- 
ated uses.     Let  us  look  at  each  for  a  moment  by  itself. 

In  its  adjectival  use,  the  appositive  participle  contributes 
not  only  to  rapidity  and  flexibility  but  also  to  picturesqueness. 
The  two  former  effects  were  attained  in  both  prose  and 
poetry ;  the  last,  as  a  rule,  in  poetry  only ;  and  all  three 
to  a  greater  or  less  degree  in  all  stages  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
period,  at  least  so  far  as  the  preterite  participle  was  con- 
cerned. For  the  adjectival  use  of  the  present  participle  the 
Anglo-Saxon  went  to  the  Latin,  though  not  until  the  Late 
West  Saxon  period.  What  a  boon  this  borrowing  was  is 
clearly  revealed  by  a  comparison  of  Alfred  with  iElf'ric  or 
with  the  Gospels;  or,  to  give  a  more  modern  illustration, 
by  comparing  modern  English  with  New  High  German,  as, 


346  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

for  instance,  in  the  examples  quoted  from  von  Jagemanu  in 
chapter  v. 

Of  the  adverbial  uses,  the  Anglo-Saxon  at  the  outset 
wielded  with  skill  only  that  denoting  manner,  as  in  swigende 
flea's,  etc.  How  poor  he  was  as  compared  with  us  may 
be  readily  realized  if  we  suppose  the  modern  Englishman 
deprived,  as  is  the  modern  German,  of  the  ability  to  express 
means,  time,  cause,  concession,  etc.,  by  the  appositive  parti- 
ciple. That  was  the  situation  of  the  Early  West  Saxon; 
but,  thanks  to  iElfric  and  the  translators  of  the  Gospels, 
Anglo-Saxon  borrowed  from  the  Latin  what  was  so  sadly 
needed ;  and  iElfric's  pages  rim  as  smoothly  as  do  those  of 
a  modern  Englishman.  The  fact,  however,  that  these  newly 
introduced  uses  of  the  adverbial  appositive  participle  are  so 
rare  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Chronicle  and  in  Wulfstan, 
leaves  it  doubtful  whether  the  wisdom  of  iElfric's  adoption 
received  as  immediate  recognition  as  it  deserved;  though  the 
non-use  in  the  former  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  it  professes 
to  be  merely  a  bald  record  of  facts.  It  seems  probable, 
nevertheless,  that  these  uses  did  not  become  normal  for 
English  until  after  the  close  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  period, 
largely  perhaps  through  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  Middle  English 
translations  of  the  Bible,  supplemented  by  French  influence. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  stood  in  greater  need,  I  think,  of  the 
co-ordinate  participle  than  of  the  adverbial  (exclusive  of 
that  denoting  manner) ;  and  Alfred's  persistent  refusal  to 
use  it  accounts  in  a  large  measure  for  the  monotony  of 
his  style.  Again  iElfric  and  the  translators  of  the  Gos- 
pels,  discerning  the  need,  borrowed  from  the  Latin,  this 
time  the  co-ordinate  participle,  and  thereby  gave  to  English 
a  construction  that,  judged  from  the  standpoint  of  style, 
was  of  immense  value.  Here,  also,  the  difference  between 
Alfred  and  iElfric  is  the  difference  between  modern  English 
and  modern  German,  happily  illustrated  in  the  examples 
cited  from  von  Jagemaun  above  (chapter  v).  A  third 
time  iElfric's  lead  was  coldly  followed  by  his  immediate 
successors  (Wulfstan  and  the  author(s)  of  the  later  ('hronicle), 


THE    APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN    ANGLO-SAXON.       347 

and  the  construction  hardly  became  fixed  until  the  Middle 
English  period,  again  through  the  help  of  the  biblical 
translations.  The  foregoing  applies  chiefly  to  the  present 
participle;  the  preterite  participle,  being  inherently  unsuited 
to  the  co-ordinate  use,  is  as  rare  in  iElfric  as  in  modern 
English. 

The  chief  shortcoming,  however,  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  apposi- 
tive  participle  was,  I  take  it,  that  in  no  one  of  the  three  uses 
did  the  present  participle  originally  have  the  power  of  govern- 
ing an  object  in  construction.  The  introduction  of  this  use, 
from  the  Latin,  by  iElfric  and  the  Late  West  Saxon  translators 
constitutes,  to  my  mind,  their  chief  contribution  to  English 
style;  for,  with  the  possible  exception  of  the  infinitive  and 
the  modern  gerund,  no  single  construction  has  contributed  so 
much  to  the  compactness  and  the  flexibility  of  the  modern 
English  sentence.  Here,  too,  the  innovation  was  tardily 
accepted,  being  seldom  resorted  to  by  Wulfstan  or  by  the 
author  of  the  Peterborough  Chronicle.  The  general  adop- 
tion of  the  construction  in  English  was  largely  due  to  the 
influence  of  the  biblical  translations.  Finally,  the  difference 
between  Alfred  and  iElfric  is  once  more  paralleled  in  that 
between  modern  English  and  modern  German. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  substitutes  for  the  appositive  participle  call 
for  only  brief  comment.  The  most  frequent  substitute,  the 
co-ordinated  finite  verb,  does  well  enough  for  the  co-ordinate 
participle,  but  for  no  other,  since  it  ignores  shades  of  meaning. 
The  next  most  common,  the  subordinated  finite  verb,  is  ill 
fitted  to  take  the  place  of  the  co-ordinate  participle,  since  it 
unduly  subordinates  the  idea  of  the  participle  to  that  of  the 
principal  verb ;  but  it  is  an  excellent  substitute  for  the  adjec- 
tival and  the  adverbial  participle,  and  is  often  so  used  not 
only  in  Anglo-Saxon  but  also  in  modern  English  and  in  the 
other  Germanic  languages.  Undoubtedly,  however,  the  ap- 
positive participle  is  a  more  flexible  instrument  for  the  deno- 
tation of  subordinate  ideas  than  is  the  dependent  finite  verb; 
witness  the  difference  in  this  regard  between  modern  English 
and  modern  German. 


348  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,    JR. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

RESULTS. 

The  following  are  in  brief  the  results  that  I  believe  to  be 
established  by  this  investigation  : — 

1.  In  Anglo-Saxon  the  appositive  participle  occurs  oftenest 
in  the  nominative  case,  occasionally  in  the  accusative  and  the 
dative,  rarely  in  the  genitive. 

2.  In  Anglo-Saxon,  especially  in  Late  West  Saxon  and  in 
the  poems,  the  appositive  participle  is  often  not  inflected, 
much  oftener  indeed  than  has  hitherto  been  supposed.  For 
details  see  p.  150ff. 

3.  When  inflected,  the  appositive  participle  almost  invaria- 
bly follows  the  strong  declension. 

4.  As  a  rule,  the  appositive  participle  follows  its  principal, 
though  occasionally  (about  100  times  in  all)  it  precedes. 

5.  The  uses  of  the  appositive  participle  are  three-fold  : — 

(1)  Adjectival,  in  which  the  participle  is  equivalent  to  a 
dependent  adjectival  (relative)  clause. 

(2)  Adverbial,  in  which  the  participle  is  equivalent  to  a 
dependent  adverbial  (conjunctive)  clause;  subdivided  into  (a) 
modal  (manner  and  means),  (6)  temporal,  (c)  causal,  (d)  final, 
(e)  concessive,  and  (f)  conditional  clauses.  Some  participles 
denoting  manner,  however,  are  equivalent,  not  to  dependent 
adverbial  clauses,  but  to  simple  adverbs. 

(3)  Co-ordinate,  in  which  the  participle  is  substantially 
equivalent  to  an  independent  clause ;  subdivided  into  («)  the 
"  circumstantial "  participle  in  the  narrower  sense,  which 
merely  denotes  an  accompanying  circumstance ;  and  (6)  the 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO—  SAXON.      349 

iC  iterating  "  participle,  which  simply  repeats  the  idea  of  the 
chief  verb. 

6.  As  to  the  origin  of  the  appositive  participle  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  in  some  uses  it  is  (A)  native  and  in  others  (B)  foreign 
(Latin). 

A.   Native. 

(1)  In  the  following  uses  the  appositive  participle  appears 
to  be  a  native  English  idiom  : — 

(a)  The  adjectival  use  of  the  preterite  participle  and,  per- 
haps, of  a  few  slightly  verbal  present  participles  like  living, 
lying  (licgende),  etc. 

(b)  The  modal  use  of  the  present  and  of  the  preterite  parti- 
ciple when  each  denotes  manner. 

(c)  Perhaps  the  temporal  use  in  a  few  present  participles 
of  slight  verbal  force  like  being,  living,  and  sleeping. 

(2)  The  grounds  for  the  statements  in  (1)  are  as  follows : 
(a)  In  the  uses  there  specified  the  appositive  participle  is  found 
in  Early  West  Saxon.  (6)  It  occurs,  also,  in  Late  West  Saxon, 
in  the  more  original  prose  (the  Chronicle,  the  Laws,  and  Wulf- 
stan),  and  in  the  poems  not  known  to  be  based  on  Latin 
originals  as  well  as  in  those  believed  to  be  translations,  (c) 
In  a  number  of  instances  in  the  translations,  the  Old  English 
participle  does  not  correspond  to  an  appositive  participle  in 
the  Latin  original,  but  to  various  other  constructions  (see 
Tables  at  end  of  Chapter  hi),  (d)  In  these  uses  the  apposi- 
tive participle  is  common  in  the  other  Teutonic  languages. 

B.    Foreign  (Latin). 

(3)  In  the  uses  named  below,  on  the  contrary,  the  apposi- 
tive participle  is  not  a  native  English  construction,  but  is 
borrowed  from  the  Latin  : — 

(a)  The  adjectival  use  of  the  present  participle  except  in  a 
few  that  have  but  little  verbal  force  like  living  and  lying. 
14 


350  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

(b)  The  modal  use  of  the  present  and  of  the  preterite 
participle  when  each  denotes  means. 

(c)  The  temporal  use  of  the  participle  except  in  a  few 
slightly  verbal  present  participles  like  being,  living,  and 
sleeping. 

(d)  The  causal  use  of  the  present  and  of  the  preterite 
participle,  though  the  latter  may  in  part  be  an  extension 
of  the  adjectival  preterite  participle. 

(e)  The  final  use  of  the  participle,  though  this  may  in  a 
slight  degree  be  due  to  the  frequent  predicative  use  of  the 
present  participle  after  verbs  of  motion  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

(f)  The  concessive  use  of  the  participle. 

(g)  The  conditional  use  of  the  participle, 
(h)   The  co-ordinate  use  of  the  participle. 

(i)  The  present  participle  (whether  adjectival,  adverbial, 
or  co-ordinate)  when  it  governs  an  object  in  construction. 

(4)  The  statements  of  (3)  are  believed  to  be  substantiated 
by  the  following  considerations  :  (a)  The  specified  uses  of  the 
appositive  participle  are  practically  unknown  in  Early  West 
Saxon  ;  and,  in  the  few  instances  in  which  they  do  occur, 
they  are  usually  in  direct  translation  of  a  Latin  appositive 
participle.  (6)  In  hundreds  of  instances  Alfred  expressly 
avoided  the  constructions,  although  they  occurred  on  every 
page  of  his  Latin  originals,  (c)  These  uses  are  very  rare 
in  the  more  original  prose  (the  Chronicle,  the  Laws,  and 
Wulfstan),  and  in  almost  every  instance  have  been  traced  to 
a  direct  or  indirect  Latin  prototype,  (d)  They  are  very  rare, 
too,  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  and  are  found  almost  exclusively 
in  the  poems  known  to  rest  on  Latin  originals,  (e)  They 
seldom  occur  in  the  other  Germanic  languages  except  in  the 
more  slavish  translations.  (/)  They  are  very  common,  on 
the  other  hand,  in  the  later  and  closer  Anglo-Saxon  transla- 
tions (iEIfric,  the  Gospels,  and  Benet1). — The  cogency  of  these 
arguments  varies  somewhat  with  respect  to  the  several  uses  ; 
concerning  which  see  the  detailed  treatment  in  Chapter  in. 

(5)  From  the  above  statements  ( (l)-(4) )  as  to  the  different 
origin  of  the  several  uses  of  the  appositive  participle  we  draw 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      351 

this  general  conclusion  :  Anglo-Saxon  was  favorable  to  the 
appositive  participle  with  pronounced  adjectival  (descriptive) 
force,  but  was  unfavorable  to  the  appositive  participle  with 
strong  verbal  (assertive)  force. 

7.  Originally  in  Anglo-Saxon,  the  present  appositive  parti- 
ciple did  not  have  the  power  of  governing  a  direct  object  in 
construction.  All  present  participles  with  a  direct  object  are 
due  to  Latin  influence. 

8.  Nor  did  the  preterite  appositive  participle  have  the 
power  of  governing  an  accusative  of  the  direct  object.  Only 
one  example  occurs  in  the  whole  of  Anglo-Saxon  literature, 
and  that  is  in  imitation  of  the  Latin  original. 

9.  The  Anglo-Saxon  substitutes  for  the  appositive  parti- 
ciple were  : — 

(1)  Most  frequently  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb. 

(2)  Somewhat  less  frequently  a  subordinated  finite  verb. 

(3)  Not  infrequently  a  prepositional  phrase. 

(4)  Occasionally  a  verb  in  the  infinitive  mood,  both  in- 
flected and  uninflected. 

(5)  Rarely  an  attributive  participle. 

(6)  In  a  few  instances  an  absolute  participle. 

(7)  Occasionally  an  adverb. 

(8)  Rarely  an  adjective. 

(9)  Very  rarely  a  substantive. 

10.  Although  my  treatment  of  the  appositive  participle  in 
the  other  Germanic  languages  is  professedly  not  exhaustive, 
it  seems  to  make  probable  the  following  conclusions  : — 

(1)  The  uses  of  the  appositive  participle  in  the  other  Teu- 
tonic languages  are  on  the  whole  substantially  the  same  as  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  but  with  considerable  variation  in  the  different 
languages  and  authors.  Ulfilas  and  Tatian,  for  instance,  are 
much  more  addicted  to  the  appositive  participle,  especially 
that  with  verbal  force,  than  are  any  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
writers  except  the  author  of  Bend1,  which  is  a  gloss. 


352  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JE. 

(2)  In  the  other  Teutonic  languages  as  in  Anglo-Saxon  the 
appositive  participle  is  of  two-fold  origin.  The  adverbial 
participle  denoting  manner,  the  adjectival  (relative)  past  parti- 
ciple, the  adjectival  present  and  the  temporal  participle  in 
such  verbs  as  be,  live,  and  sleep,  are  perhaps  native.  In  all 
other  uses  the  appositive  participle,  whether  present  or  past, 
is  probably  of  Greek  (Ulfilas)  or  Latin  origin,  though  in  one 
or  two  of  these  functions,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  the  appositive 
participle  may  in  part  be  an  extension  of  the  attributive  or 
the  predicative  use  of  the  participle.  The  present  appositive 
participle  with  an  object  in  construction  seems  to  be  of  wholly 
foreign  origin. 

(3)  The  substitutes  for  the  appositive  participle  are  about 
the  same  in  the  other  Germanic  Languages  as  in  Anglo- 
Saxon. 

11.  As  for  its  stylistic  effect,  in  Anglo-Saxon  as  in  the 
classical  languages  the  appositive  participle  conduces  to 
rapidity,  compactness,  and  flexibility.  In  the  adjectival  use 
of  the  preterite  participle  and  in  the  adverbial  use  of  the 
present  and  of  the  preterite  denoting  manner,  this  is  more 
or  less  exemplified  in  all  periods  of  Anglo-Saxon ;  and 
in  the  poetry  the  participle  contributes,  also,  to  pictur- 
esqueness.  The  other  uses  of  the  appositive  participle  were 
practically  ignored  by  the  Early  West  Saxons,  and  to  this 
fact  are  largely  due  the  unwieldiness  and  the  monotony  of 
Alfred's  style.  iElfric  and  the  translators  of  the  Gospels,  on 
the  other  hand,  adopted  these  uses  from  the  Latin,  and 
handled  the  same  almost  as  skillfully  as  do  modern  English- 
men ;  whence  results  in  great  measure  the  excellence  of 
iElfric's  style  in  point  of  flexibility  and  grace.  But  these 
innovations  were  looked  upon  coldly  by  ^Elfric's  immediate 
successors  (Wulfstan  and  the  author  of  the  Peterborough 
Chronicle),  and  scarcely  became  thoroughly  naturalized  dur- 
ing the  Anglo-Saxon  period. 

Morgan  Callaway,  Jr. 


THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      353 


ADDITIONS  AND   CORRECTIONS. 

Originally  not  intending  to  discuss  the  inflection  of  the 
appositive  participle,  I  did  not  in  my  first  draft  jot  down  all 
the  peculiar  forms  observed.  After  deciding  to  treat  the 
subject,  I  thought  that  the  Introduction  could  be  held  in  type 
until  the  final  proving  and  printing  of  the  Statistics.  But, 
as  their  bulk  made  this  impossible,  the  following  additions 
and  corrections  are  called  for  in  the  section  of  the  Intro- 
duction (iv)  dealing  with  the  inflection  of  the  appositive 
participle : — 

The  Present  Participle. 

NS.  (p.  150) : — L.  7  from  below :  change  three  to  two, 
and  strike  out  ^Elfr.  L.  S.  282.  5 ;  for,  after  the  preparation 
of  the  Statistics,  I  received  vol.  iv  of  Skeat's  edition  of  this 
work,  in  the  "  Errata "  of  which  he  corrects  feohtend  to 
feohtende.  This,  of  course,  changes  feohtend  in  my  Statistics 
(p.  197,  1.  27). 

L.  3  from  below  :  change  four  to  five,  and  add  104-.  16 
after  95.11. 

L.  1  from  below  :  to  exceptions  add  -cende :  Benet1  68.  1  ; 
-ynde:  Med}  9.  29. 

ASM.  (p.  151,  1.  6):—^lfr.  L.  S.  78.  489  has  -enide, 
which  reduces  the  number  of  -ende  by  one. 

N.  and  A.  PMFN.  (p.  151,  1.  10) :  to  the  exceptions  add: 
(1)  masculine:  -cende:  Benet1  55.  4,  Greg.1  123.  16:  -onde: 
Becle1  72.  9,  Bened.  9.  7  ;  -ynde:  Med.1  9.  27,  31  ;  (2)  neuter  : 
-ande:  JElfr.L.S.  224.  86.2 

The  Preterite  Participle. 

NSM.  (p.  151,  1.  16):— Benet1  100.  3  has  bepcehft  for 
bepceht ;  and  Chron,  1048  E  has  unswiean. 


354  MORGAN  CALLAWAY,   JR. 

DSMN.  (p.  151,  1.  22) :— insert  -on  after  -an. 

ASM.  (p.  151,  1.  6  from  below): — to  the  inflectional  end- 
ing add  -um  for  -an,  weak  (Bede1  130.  33),  and  see  p.  153, 
where  the  example  is  quoted  in  full. 

ASN.  (p.  152,  1.  1)  :—3Iat.1  11.  7  has  -yd  instead  of  -ed. 

NPM.  (p.  152, 1.  2) : — Laws  (Wihtr.,  c.  4)  has  -yne  instead 
of-ene;  aud  Benet1  113.  9  has  astrehft  for  ast relit. 

NAPN.  (p.  152,  1.  7): — to  the  inflectional  endings  add  -u 
{Greg}  245.  8a&b),  in  which  the  participles  are  probably 
accusatives  rather  than  nominatives  (as  given  on  p.  173, 
1.  10).    Beow.  3049  has  ftnrhetone  instead  of  fturhetene. 

GP.  (p.  152,  1.  10): — to  the  exception  add  geferede: 
EJene  992. 

DPM.  (p.  152,  1.  11): — to  the  inflectional  ending  add  -e : 
Mlfr.  Hept.  (Judges  16.  7). 


On  p.  203,  11.  8,  18,  and  25,  strike  out  uncw6. 


The  following  typographical  errors  should  be  noted  : — 
P.  146,  1.  26  :  change  dash  to  hyphen. 
P.  147,  1.  2  :  for  rechfertigen  read  rechtfertigen. 
P.  149,  1.  16 :  for  Indo-Germanie  read  Indo- Germanic. 
P.  180,  1.  23  :  for  unbefohtenene  read  unbefohtene. 
P.  181,  1.  11  :  for  ftinge  read  ftingc. 

P.  185,  1.  26:  for  geondead  =  angaritia :  7.  54-  read 
geneadod  =  54-.  7 :  angariati. 

P.  288,  1.  12  :  for  ewedende  read  cweftende. 

M.  C,  Jr. 

A   NOTE  OF  THANKS. 

I  wish  heartily  to  thank  my  colleagues  in  the  School  of  English,  Drs. 
Killis  Campbell  and  Pierce  Butler,  and  my  honored  teacher,  Professor 
James  W.  Bright,  for  gracious  help  in  the  issuing  of  this  monograph. 
Each  of  the  three  has  kindly  assisted  in  reading  the  proof,  and  has  offered 
valuable  suggestions  for  the  betterment  of  my  study. 

M.  C,  Jr. 


THE    APPOSITIVE    PARTICIPLE    IN    ANGLO-SAXON.      355 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
I.    Texts  Read. 

a.    Anglo-Saxon. 

JElf.  de  v.  et  n.  Test.  =  Grein,  JEIfrw  de  vetere  et  novo  Testamento,  Penta- 
teuch, Josua,  Buck,  der  Richter,  u.  Hiob,  vol.  i  of  Grein's  Bibliotheh  der  ags. 
Prosa,  Cassel,  1872. 

JElf.  Hept.  =  ib. 

JElf.  Horn.  =  Thorpe,  The  Homilies  of  the  A.-S.  Church,  2  vols.,  London, 
1844,  184G. 

JElf.  L.  S.  =  Skeat,  ^Elfric's  Lives  of  Saints,  E.  E.  T.  S.,  nos.  76,  82,  94, 
London,  1881,  1885,  1890.  Vol.  iv  (1900)  was  received  too  late  to  be  read 
for  this  study.  Vols.  I  and  II  are  cited  simply  by  page  and  line  ;  vol.  in, 
by  number  of  homily  and  of  line. 

A. -S.  Horn,  and L.  S.  =  Assman,  Angelsachsische Homilienund Heiligenhln  n , 
vol.  Ill  of  Grein-Wulker's  Bibliotheh  der  ags.  Prosa,  Kassel,  1889.  Sub- 
divided into  i  =  nos.  1-9,  by  iElfric  ;  and  n  =  nos.  10-19,  not  by  iElfric. 

Bede1  =  Miller,  The  Old  English  Version  of  Bedtfs  Ecclesiastical  History, 
E.  E.  T.  S.,  nos.  95-96,  110-111,  London,  1890-98. 

Benedict '  =  A.  Schroer,  Die  ags.  Prosabearbeitungen  der  Benedihtinerregel, 
vol.  n  of  Grein-Wulker's  Bibliotheh  der  ags.  Prosa,  Kassel,  1885,  1888. 

Benetl  =  TA.  Logeman,  The  Rule  of  St.  Benet,  Latin  and  A.-S.  Interlinear 
Version,  E.  E.  T.  S.,  no.  90,  London,  1888. 

Bl.  Horn.  =  Morris,  The  Blickling  Homilies  of  the  Tenth  Century,  E.  E.  T.  S., 
nos.  58,  63,  73,  London,  1874,  1876,  1880. 

Boeth.1  =  Sedgefield,  King  Alfred'' s  Old  English  Version  of  Boethius  De 
Consolatione  Philosophiae,  Oxford,  1899.  [For  the  prose  only  ;  the  Metres 
are  taken  from  Grein-Wulker's  Bibl.  der  ags.  Poesie.'] 

Christ  =  Albert  S.  Cook,  I  he  Christ  of  Cynewulf  Boston,  1900. 

Chron.  =  Plummer-Earle,  Tivo  of  the  Saxon  Chronicles  Parallel,  2  vols., 
Oxford,  1892,  1900. 

Cosp. '  =  Sk«eat,  The  Gospels  in  A.-S.  and  Northumbrian  Versions  Synopti- 
cally  Arranged,  4  vols.,  Cambridge,  1871-1888. 

Greg.1  =  Sweet,  King  Alfred's  W.  S.  Version  of  Gregory's  Pastoral  Care, 
E.  E.T.  S.,  nos.  45,  50,  London,  1871-2. 

Laws  =  Liebermann,  Die  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  Halle,  1898-99. 

Oros.l=  Sweet,  King  Alfred' s  Orosius  (O.  E.  Text  and  Latin  Original), 
E.  E.  T.  S.,  no.  79,  London,  1883. 


356  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

Poems  =  CrvmAViWkw^  Bibliothck  der  ags.  Poesie,  3  vols.,  Kassel,  1881- 
1898.      [For  all  the  poems  except  Cynewulf  s  Christ,  which  see  above.] 

Ps.  Th.1  =  Thorpe,  Libri  Psalmorum  Versio  antiqua  Latina  cum  Para- 
phrasi  Angk-Saxonica,  Oxonii,  1835.  [For  the  prose  psalms  only;  the 
poetical  ones  are  cited  from  Grein-Wiilker.] 

fst=A.   S.    Napier,    Wvlfstan:   Sammlung  der   ihm  zugeschriebenen 
Homilien,  Berlin,  1883. 

6.    Latin. 

Bede*=  Plummer,  Baedae  Opera  Historica,  2  vols.,  Oxford,  1896. 

Benedict  *  =  The  Rule  of  Our  Most  Holy  Father  St.  Benedict,  ed.  with  an 
English  Translation  and  Explanatory  Notes  by  A  Monk  of  St.  Benedict's 
Abbey,  Fort  Augustus,  London,  1886  (?). 

Benet.-  =  Latin  in  Benet.1 

Boeth,2  =  Peiper,  Boetii  Philosophiae  Consolationis  Libri  Quinque,  Leipzig, 
1871. 

Gosp.2  =  Jager  and  Tischendorf,  Novum  Testamentum,  Graece  et  Latine, 
Paris,  1861. 

Greg.2=  Bramley,  S.  Gregory  on  the  Pastoral  Charge,  Oxford,  1874. 

n,t>t.*  =  Latin  Heptateuch,  etc.,  given  in  JElj.  HepL,  which  see. 

Oros.*=  Latin  in  Oros.1 

Ps.  Th.*=  Latin  in  Ps.  Th.1  [The  Introductions  are  taken  from  Bruce 
in  ii.] 

II.   Works  Cited. 

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Classen,  J.  :  Beobachtungen  uber  den  homerischen  Sprachgebrauch,  Frank- 
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Goodwin,  W.  W.  :  Syntax  of  the  Moods  and  Tenses  of  the  Gi'eek  Verb,  rev. 
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358  MORGAN   CALLAWAY,   JR. 

Goodwin,  W.  W.  :  Greek  Grammar,  rev.  ed.,  Boston,  1895. 

Grimm,  J.  :  Deutsche  Grammatik,  ed.  by  Rothe  u.  Schroder,  Giitersloh, 

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Grimm,  J.  :  Andreas  und  Elene,  Cassel,  1840. 

Eandke,  R.  :  Ueber  das  Verhallnis  der  Wests.  Evangelknubersetzung  zum 
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Helm,  F.  :  Quaestiones  Syntacticae  de  Participiorum  Usu  Tacitino  Velleiano 
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Hertel,  B.  :  Der  Syntakt.  Gebrauch  des  Verbums  in  dem  ags.  Crist,  Leipzig, 
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Honncher,  E.  :  "Quellen  der  ags.  Genesis,"  in  Anglia,  vin,  41-84, 
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I  loser,  J.  :  Die  Syntakt.  Erscheinungen  in  Be  Domes  Dazge,  Halle,  1889. 

Jolly,  J.  :  "Zur  Lehre  vom  Particip,"  in  Cnrtius' s  Sprachivissenschaftl. 
Abhandlungen,  Leipzig,  1874,  pp.  71-94. 

Kellner,  L.  :  Zur  Syntax  des  Engl.  Verbums,  mit  besonderer  Berucksichtigung 
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Kellner,  L.  :  Historical  Outlines  of  English  Syntax,  London,  1892. 

Kempf,  E.  :  Darstellung  der  Syntax  in  der  sog.  Caedmon1 schen  Exodus, 
Halle,  1888. 

Kent,  C.  W.  :  Elene,  Boston,  1889. 

Kinard,  J.  P.  :  A  Study  of  Wulfstan's  Homilies:  Their  Style  and  Sources, 
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Koch,  C.  F.  :  Hist.  Grammatik  der  Engl.  Sprache,  2nd  ed.,  3  vols.,  Cassel, 
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Koeberlin,  A.  :  "De  Participiorum  Usu  Liviano,"  etc.,  in  Acta  Sem. 
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K  older,  K.  :  Der  Syntakt.  Gebr.  des  Infinitivs  u.  Particips  im  Beowulf, 
Munster,  1886. 

Criiger,  K.  W.  :   Griechische  Sprachlehre,  5th  ed.,  Berlin,  1873. 

Kiihn,  P.  T.  :  Die  Syntax  des  Verbums  in  JElfrics  Heiligenleben,  Leipzig, 
1889. 

Liicke,  O.  :  Absolute  Participia  im  Gotischen  u.  ihr  Verhdltn.  zum  Gr.  Origi- 
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Lund,  <1.  F.  V.  :   OMnordisk  Ordfdjningsloere,  Kobenhavn,  1862. 

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THE   APPOSITIVE   PARTICIPLE   IN   ANGLO-SAXON.      359 

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M.  C,  Jr. 


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